THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960 plus. It is here that her policy of been distributed among all sec­ to launch a movement for the Pun­ non-alignment is an essential pre­ tions of the middle-class; at any rate jabi Suba, the vote in Calcutta's condition for India's democracy. For it cart never be so distributed as to South West Constituency or the Mani- non-alignment is another name for be considered "fair"' by all. Certain pur People's struggle for responsi­ alignment with both the Big Powers. sections of the middle-class due to ble government are ominous signs In fact, the role of the elite the early English education or their pro­ of the dangers inherent in building technique of development and foreign ximity to the political and financial up a middle-class-dominated society. policy are closely inter-connected capitals of India have attained a While, therefore, India may have and together hold the structure of higher standard among the middle- politics in India. It is not possible class. They now demand the conti­ ample breathing time, thanks to a to hold on to one and dispense with nuation of those privileges as a combination of circumstances, it the others. matter of right while new sections would be both risky and futile to are coming up to press for their sta­ postpone agrarian reorganisation un­ CONFLICT WITHIN MIDDLE CLASS tus as is evident from the acrimo­ duly long. The present advantages Two questions, however, still re­ nious Hindi-English controversy. afford us the opportunity to intro­ main to be answered. Will the These sectional struggles may take a duce such reorganisation with the apathy of the rural masses continue? more violent form with the passage least upsetting effect and after mak­ And will not the middle-class in its of time. It is in fact very interest­ ing sure that the rural sector's role in sectional struggles carry rivalries to ing that instead of being a unifier, politics becomes less uncertain. But the breaking point? It is the latter an external threat has given the green the base of our democracy must be question which is the more urgent. light to the nationalities to settle widened if the superstructure is not Fruits of development have not their accounts. The Akali decision to prove too heavy. A Profile of Maharashtra S V Kogekar A more rational approach to the demand for Maharashtra from the States Reorganisation Commission and a more sensible attitude on the part of the Congress High Command would hare saved the country from the ugly aftermath of political decisions taken in defiance of the hard realities of the situation. The effort to bring about the break-up of the bilingual State has , nevertheless, resulted in an unpre­ cedented sense of unity and awakening in Maharashtra. The achievement of a unilingual State is considered not as the victory of any particular party but of the people. The most dominant personality in Maharashtra today is the Chief Minister. Shri Yeshwantrao Chavan. He may well prove the greatest asset of Maharashtra in the critical times ahead. The Shivaji Cult symbolises the emotional unify of Maharashtra but emotional integration of different regions and castes is yet to be achieved. WHEN the people of Maharashtra the State Legislature of the bilingual joyed for long. started celebrations to welcome Bombay Slate and the Lok The Congress Government which the establishment of the new State Sabha. The Municipal Corporation depended heavily on the support of on April 27, many must have reflect­ of Bombay was captured by the Vidarbha members in the Legisla­ ed on the needless struggle, suffering Samiti in a straight contest with the ture was unable to convince its sup­ and recriminations of the preceding Congress despite the 'cosmopolitan' porters of the bright future that three years. A more rational ap­ electorate of the city. In hundreds was claimed for the bilingual State, proach to the demand for a Maha­ of village panchayats and scores of Those of them who wanted a sepa­ rashtra State from the States Reor­ municipalities and district boards, rate Vidarbha State were in any case ganisation Commission and a more the Congress leadership was success­ eager to see the break-up of the sensible attitude on the part of the fully challenged. This made it clear existing arrangement. Shri Brijlal Congress High Command would have that, unless the bilingual State was Biyani who was courageous enough saved the country from the ugly broken up, the Congress might as to come out openly in favour of the aftermath of political decisions taken well wind up its show in this region. break-up was perhaps far more re­ in defiance of the hard realities of Old loyalties were stronger in parts presentative of opinion among Con­ the situation. Yet, the obvious had to of Maralhwada—the five districts of gressmen though his arguments for be brought home to the powers that the former Hyderabad State—where a separate Vidarbha Stale were not be, and Maharashtra seems to have the Congress was still esteemed as accepted by most of them. Mem­ gained greater strength in the pro­ the party that had liberated the peo­ bers from Gujarat, barring some cess. ple from the Nizam's yoke. It ap­ representing the Mahajrujarat Janata The parties in opposition to the peared stronger still in the eight Parishad, were the mainstary of Con­ Congress came together in a remark­ districts of old Madhya Pradesh gress rule. Facile assumptions in able alliance under the banner of where the demand for a separate certain quarters that some Gujarati the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti Vidarbha State was raised in order Ministers might try to divert Plan and won breath-taking successes in to retain the importance of Nagpur funds, to their region had given rise the 1957 General Elections both to as a State capital, a status it had en- to certain misgivings even among 845 SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY 846 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960 non-Gujarati Congress members, and such vexed questions as minority not be fully realised and met. Bombay it could be surmised that the unity rights, casteism and communalism City would look with suspicion, for of the Cabinet itself was at times are forthright. If he continues to example, on any large-scale plan for subject to strain. Anyway, the Con­ tread the path on which he has set rural development, on the use of gress in Maharashtra was slowly but out, he may well prove the greatest Marathi for official purposes and surely driven to think on lines openly asset of Maharashtra in the critical higher education—the first, because advocated by the Samiti. times ahead. it would depict'; the surplus revenues of the City and the second on ac­ Ideologically, Maharashtra thus AWAKENING AMONG INTELLECTUALS appeared to be united on the stand count of its possible impact on the One of the most noteworthy and for a separate Maharashtra State in 'cosmopolitan' life of the region. The hopeful of signs in present-day Ma­ a manner never before witnessed harashtra is the tremendous awaken­ since the idea of linguistic States ing among intellectuals to the poten­ was first mooted. It is in this sense tialities and deficiencies of the new that Maharashtra has secured a fresh State. Never before in modern accession of strength in the process limes has Maharashtra done so much of transition from the bilingual to of stock-taking, so much of conscious the unilingual idea. Without the as­ introspection as today. Never be­ sistance of industrial tycoons or poli­ fore has Maharashtra felt a keener tical magnates, Maharashtra was able desire to improve, to change, to to show how the 'national' solution achieve results as it does today. arrived at by Parliament was no so­ What is derisively described by lution at all. Both the Samiti and the superficial observers as the 'Shivaji Congress party in Maharashtra could, Cult' is really an attempt to find in­ therefore, legitimately share the spiration from the founder of the credit for establishment of the new Maratha Raj who heralded a new Slate. Their leaders could speak era of self-respect, self-reliance, to­ from the same platform to the peo­ leration, respect for womanhood and ple assembled at mammoth meetings just and impartial administration in all' over the State on the eve of in­ the face of the bigotry and exploi­ auguration of their new State. It tation of Moghul Emperor like was no party victory; it was the Aurangzeh. The intellectuals look victory of the people--that was the upon the new State as providing predominant sentiment which pre­ an opportunity to set better stand­ vailed throughout the five-day cele­ ards in every walk of life as was brations. Iried in Shivaji's time. Few outside DOMINANT PERSONALITY observers realise how deeply Maha- If there was any personality that rashtrians at all levels revere the could be singled out as the most do­ memory of Shivaji. Brahmin writ- minant during those five day. sym­ rrs have waxed as eloquent on the bolising the joy, hope and aspira­ 'Maharashtra Dharma' practised by tions of the new State, it was indu­ Shivaji as non-Brahmin, writers. In­ bitably that of the Chief Minister. deed Shivaji symbolises the emo­ Shri Yeshwantrao ' Chavan. Shri tional unity of Maharashtra as no Chavan's is not a demagogic perso­ other hero does. nality. He is no mass orator. He rarely turns emotional when he REGIONAL APPREHENSIONS talks. In a sense, there was nothing Not that emotional integration has very outstanding about his career become apparent in everyday life.