2 The Bible in Mission before J. Hudson Taylor 2.1 Introduction This background chapter presents an overview of the use of the Bible in some of the major movements from the Reformation until the nineteenth century before Taylor's era. It includes Puritanism, Pietism, the Moravian Brethren and Methodism and is preceded by a section on Roman Catholicism. These are selected for their overall impact on the development of Christianity, their use of the Bible and their practice of mission. Each section is divided into two parts. Firstly, there is a short analysis of the place of the Bible within each movement. Secondly, an assessment of the role of the Bible in stimulating and shaping mission thought among these movements, which will contribute to an explanation of the origin of Protestant missions and Taylor’s context. 2.2 Roman Catholicism Although the emphasis in this chapter is on Protestant views of the Bible and its influence on mission it is necessary to have a brief overview of the situation in the Roman Catholic Church. Additionally, it is possible for Protestants to underestimate the influence of Rome’s own mission efforts especially as the great majority of Christian work in China before Taylor was Catholic. 2.2.1 Roman Catholicism and the Bible Recent scholarship has emphasised the continuity in biblical interpretation between medieval and Reformation exegesis.1 In the population as a whole there was a demand from many for a better understanding of the Bible. People wanted to benefit from the fruits of the development in humanistic scholarship.2 There was a move back to the study of the Hebrew and the Greek text with an emphasis on the literal meaning prominent. This can be seen in the work of scholars such as the French Franciscan Nicholas of Lyra (1270-1349) who was an exegete whose primary concern was to arrive at an exact understanding of the text.3 He made extensive use of a literal approach to the text and believed that any research into the Bible was done to aid moral development.4 He was reacting against an ‘unchastened speculation’5 in theology that arose from the use of allegory. He thought that the uncritical use of Jewish sources and the scholastic atomization of the text were unhelpful.6 For Lyra, a literal approach was a necessary basis for doing theology and although he was not completely divorced from the interpretative methods of his contemporaries he had an enormous influence through the 1 Richard A. Muller, ‘The View From the Middle Ages’ in R. A. Muller & J. L. Thompson (eds), Biblical Interpretation in the Era of the Reformation (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996), p. 9. 2 Basil Hall, ‘Biblical Scholarship: Editions and Commentaries’ in Stanley L. Greenslade, The West from the Reformation to the Present Day : Cambridge History of the Bible, Volume III (Cambridge: CUP, 1963), pp. 38-39. 3 R.L.P. Milburn, ‘The ‘People’s Bible’: Artists and Commentators’ in Geoffrey Lampe, The West From the Fathers to the Reformation: Cambridge History of the Bible, Volume II (Cambridge: CUP, 1969), p. 305. 4 Donald K.McKim, Historical Handbook of Major Biblical Interpreters (Downers Grove: Inter Varsity Press, 1998), p. 118. 5 Milburn, ‘The ‘People’s Bible’ p. 305. 6 McKim, Historical Handbook, p. 118. 19 publication of the first ever printed commentary (Postilla Litteralis) on the biblical text. This set out the results of his Hebrew scholarship7 and addressed a wide range of interpretative issues, contributing to the idea that the literal meaning of the text was a sufficient basis for theological argument and dogma. This became a standard work in the universities often being printed alongside the text of the Vulgate. In an era that was characterised by doctrinal pluralism,8 there were others who were drawing down the ire of the Church for their work on the Bible. John Wycliffe (1329-84) accepted the Bible’s authority as the one sure basis for faith and wanted it available to the layman.9 He emphasised the literal interpretation of the Bible and restricted his definition of the true Church to those that God had predestined to salvation.10 He had an influence on the Czech nationalist Jan Hus (1374-1415), who stressed the authoritative role of scripture in the church and also called for vernacular translations of the Bible.11 In the Netherlands the Brethren of the Common Life flourished.12 Geert Groote (1340-84) was the founder of this revival movement within the church. They wrote many spiritual tracts and believed that scripture was central to spiritual life. There was an attempt to re-capture the life of the early church.13 They were keen to establish the authority of the original texts of scripture as the authority for their liturgies, the Vulgate and the teachings of the Church Fathers realising that the transmission of texts can lead to corruption.14 These movements indicate that there were signs of renewal of spiritual life in the Church which was usually associated with a partial recovery of the teaching of the Bible.15 In England the Bible occupied a negligible place in the devotional works of the time.16 Few people could read the Latin Vulgate Bible for themselves or knew what it taught. The printing of Bibles in English had been prohibited since 1408, unless sanctioned by the bishops.17 Faith was expressed in assenting to the major doctrinal statements about God, man, the soul, grace and other subjects mediated by others. The text concealed spiritual teaching that only the enlightened could understand18 thus ensuring that the interpretation of the Bible was mainly subject to the tradition and authority of the Church. Another important figure was the Dutch Catholic scholar Desiderius Erasmus (1468-1536).19 Although he did not know Hebrew, he applied himself to the study of the text of the Bible.20 As a monk 7 Beryl Smalley, ‘The Exposition and Exegesis of Scripture in The Bible in the Medieval Schools’ in Lampe, Cambridge History of the Bible, p. 208. 8 Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: Reformation of Church and Dogma 1300-1700. Volume IV (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1984), p. 10. 9 A.G. Dickens, The English Reformation (New York: Schocken Books, 1964), p. 22. 10 Ibid. 11 Steven Ozment, The Age of Reform 1250-1550 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), p. 166. 12 Erica Rummel, ‘Voices of Reform from Hus to Erasmus’, in Thomas A. Brady, Jr. Heiko A Oberman, James D Tracy (eds), Handbook of European History 1400-1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation. Volume II (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1995), p. 96. 13 E.F. Jacob, ‘The Brethren of the Common Life’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library Volume 24, No. 1 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, April 1940), p 9. 14 Ozment, The Age of Reform, p. 97. 15 Gerald Bray, Biblical Interpretation: Past and Present (Leicester: Apollos, 1996), p. 166. 16 A.G. Dickens, The English Reformation., p. 9. 17 Ibid. 18 Bray, Biblical Interpretation, pp. 145-146. 19 John C. Olin, Catholic Reform From Cardinal Ximenes to the Council of Trent 1495-1563 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1990), p. x. 20 Francis Bouyer, ‘Erasmus in Relation to the Medieval Biblical Tradition’ in Lampe, Cambridge History of the Bible, p. 492. 20 who served for a time in a monastery that was part of the Devotio Moderna movement, he had been impressed with the work of Groote as his influence worked its way through the congregations. This impressed upon Erasmus the need for a study of the Bible that could lead to interior transformation from which must spring the renewal of society.21 He emphasised the need to read the scriptures in context but also paid attention to the texts of early church history to encourage greater accuracy of their usage within the church.22 He established the importance of the grammatical sense of scripture and that the spiritual sense coming from the text must be expounded with a clear relationship to this grammatical sense.23 His new Latin translation from the Greek was important for he thought that the Vulgate had obscured the teachings of Jesus and he wanted the New Testament to be as widely known as possible.24 Despite these differing views on the Vulgate it is important to note how it maintained its importance as a standard translation for both Catholics and Protestants until well into the sixteenth century25 even though there was some doubts over it as an authoritative translation.26 The Council of Trent re-affirmed the dominant position of the Vulgate in 1546 for the interpretation of scripture27 and a reliable source for teaching and debate.28 This was necessary in the face of many other translations of the scriptures. According to Olin, the Council of Trent, which met in thirty-five sessions from 1545-1563, had three main aims. It needed, firstly to effect reform in the Church. Secondly it had to clarify and define disputed doctrine and condemn heresy. Thirdly it had to restore the peace and unity of the Church.29 The Church had to clarify the value of tradition as contrasted with scripture.30 The restored Catholic scholasticism and more narrowly defined authority of the Council meant that obedience to the authority of the church was re-established for interpreting the Bible over individual scholars’ translations and preferences.31 2.2.2 Roman Catholicism and Mission Both before and after the Reformation the Roman Catholic Church led the way in foreign mission providing a ‘stimulant’ and sometimes a ‘worthy example’ to Protestants.32 The ministry of the Franciscans and the Dominicans had expanded to non-Christian parts of the world33 and managed to 21 Ibid.