DEBATE PAPERS APRIL 2004 no 10 Cocalero movements in Peru T and Bolivia Coca or Death? N I Drugs and Democracy Programme TRANSNATIONAL TNI Briefing Series No 2004/4 CONTENTS AUTHORS: Allison Spedding Pallet G Editorial Hugo Cabieses Cubas G The Cocalero movement and drug policy in EDITORS: Bolivia 4 Martin Jelsma N Peasant and cocaleros movements in Bolivia; Pien Metaal organisation and structure Virginia Montañés N The Cocalero struggle: Instruments and Strategies N Box: Dialogues and Agreements TRANSLATION AND N Multidisciplinary effects of coca leaf production TEXT EDITTING: N Recommendations Glynis Cooper G Maps 14 Barbara Fraser N Anabel Torres Coca leaves cultivation in Bolivia; legal framework N Coca leaves cultivation in Peru DESIGN: G Peru: the Cocalero struggles and Good Jan Abrahim Vos Governance 16 Logo Drugs & Conflict: N Cocaleros Elisabeth Hoogland N The Dialogue Group N Agreements PRINTING: N Box: Dialogues and Agreements T Drukkerij Raddraaier, N The founding of the CONPACCP Amsterdam N The strikes of February 2003 N The April 2003 marches N FINANCIAL SUPPORT: N Meeting with the President and the Supreme Decree Ministry of Foreign Affairs N Current situation in the coca producing valleys I (The Netherlands) N Main complaints of Local Farmers and Authorities G CONTACT: Used Abreviations 26 Transnational Institute G References and useful websites 27 Paulus Potterstraat 20 1071 DA Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel: -31-20-6626608 Fax: -31-20-6757176 [email protected] www.tni.org/drugs Europe and Plan Colombia Debate Paper No. 1,April 2001 Fumigation and Conflict in Colombia. 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Dilemmas for Poli- cy Responses - Debate Paper No. 9, December 2003 register at www.tni.org All editions of the series are available online in English Amsterdam, April 2004 and Spanish at: www.tni.org/reports/drugs/debate.htm EDITORIAL en years after the first cocalero course. march in Bolivia, when coca leaf A balanced approach that seeks to eliminate producers from the tropical area of the harm inflicted by the international com- Cochabamba trekked over 600 munity’s determination to “abolish drugs” on kilometres to the seat of govern- the supply side is a minimal requirement for ment in La Paz to express their indignation justice for those who only produce coca about the effects of drug control policies in leaves. their region, there is still no cause for cele- bration.The same holds true for Peru, where A deeper problem in both countries is the despite a series of peasant protests, govern- lack of leeway for governments and societies ment leaders are even more reluctant than to design their own independent policies for their Bolivian counterparts to treat the issue solving the current crisis.This crisis is char- with the urgency required. acterised on the one hand by constant polit- ical turmoil,aggravated by the structural eco- The general public opinion and sometimes nomic difficulties found in rural areas where even experts involved in drug control policy people have few productive options, and on know little about the cocalero movements. the other hand by international conventions Misconceptions are among the reasons why that force governments to focus on reducing it so difficult to solve current conflicts in a the supply of coca leaves used to produce peaceful, sustainable way without imposing cocaine. T simplistic and violent ‘solutions’ to the com- plex issue of coca cultivation in these two Because the coca leaf has been consumed countries. since time immemorial and is an integral part N of Andean and Amazon culture, its inclusion The cocaleros, who usually are displaced for- in international drug-control policy along I mer miners or poor peasant families, are with its derivate cocaine, further complicate easy prey for drug control policies. By rob- the situation. bing them of their source of income in exchange for alternatives that do not yield From Bolivia the news of a proposal being the expected results, the unbalanced prepared directed to the United Nations to approach of international drug control reveals decriminalise the coca leaf, and also encour- its counterproductive and devastating eco- age study of real consumption patterns nomic effects, along with the high degree of nationally is a positive sign of change. Mean- repression with which these policies are while, there is a need for a mature, democ- implemented. ratic culture that allows for consultation and consensus instead of entrenchment behind The claim in the International Narcotics inflexible positions. But there are dominant Board‘s annual report that voluntary eradi- voices that hardly allow for these internal cation of coca crops is a success, on the con- processes and do not respect them: they are trary, it has been a failure.1 Many coca pro- referred to in these two articles as ‘The duction or eradication zones live under con- Embassy.’ stant tension and violence. Eradication is accompanied by such a show of military or In this issue of Drugs and Conflict,two authors police force that people are coerced to offer a distinct interpretation of the cocalero accept. Although not marked by the wide- movements in Peru and Bolivia that help dis- spread use of chemicals that has charac- pel the misconceptions. terised Plan Colombia, forced eradication in Bolivia and Peru has claimed and will claim more casualities if it continues on its present 1 Annual Report INCB 2003, p.54 Drugs and Conflicts no 10 - April 2004 3 THE COCALERO MOVEMENT AND DRUG POLICY IN BOLIVIA By A.L. Spedding P.* olivia and Peru are two Andean coun- ishing the colonato (tenancy of plots in exchange tries where the planting,sale and con- for free labour) in large haciendas1 and distrib- sumption of coca leaves are wide- uting the land among the peasants. In order to spread and legal activities. Both were release the peasants from this form of inden- main producers of coca leaf for cocaine till the tured labour and distribute land among them, nineties.The rise of drug trafficking in Bolivia a peasant union in each reformed hacienda was began in the seventies, reaching its peak created. This form of organisation was also between 1980 and 1986. Coca production adopted by many native communities (not declined considerably after this period.This was indentured to haciendas), replacing their tradi- mainly due to the expansion of the Colombian tional authorities, which tended to have close crop production.There had been some coca links with local authorities, identified with the eradication campaigns earlier in Bolivia but landowning elite.From the point of view of the they had little impact. It was only after 1986 nationalist government (1952-1964), peasant that policies to reduce and eliminate coca pro- unions helped incorporate peasants into the duction were implemented.These policies have country’s political life. However, the party been further intensified since the nineties, organised and controlled them, thus blocking despite Bolivia’s reduced participation in inter- the existence of a truly independent peasant national drug trafficking. movement.This worked well at the start and continued to function as the ‘Military Peasant T Bolivia’s central and influential peasant organ- Pact’ during the military governments that isation comprises the cocaleros (peasants who defeated the MNR in 1964,until 1974,when the grow coca).Their movement has headed the peasant movement severed all ties with the N resistance to state policies to control and government, after the repression against a eradicate coca production. It is a legal organi- peasant demonstration, under the orders of I zation with no proven connection with subver- then dictator General Hugo Banzer, which sive or illicit groups.The movement has con- resulted in the Massacre of Tolata.At this time, siderable legitimacy in the public opinion which several independent organisations emerged.In prevents the government from openly repress- 1979, and a national organisation was estab- ing the movement and that hinders the imple- lished, called the United Bolivian Union Con- mentation of coercive crop eradication meth- federation of Peasant Labourers (Confed- ods, like aerial fumigation. Nevertheless, eración Sindical Única de Trabajadores Bolivia’s government, in accordance to the Campesinos de Bolivia CSUTCB),with a strong demands of ‘the (U.S.) Embassy’, continues indigenous or katarista leaning. It was in mem- with its eradication campaign resulting in clash- ory of Julián Apaza,‘Tupac Katari’,an anti-colo- es between the cocaleros and the government nialist rebel executed by the Spaniards in 1782.2 that shows no signs of abating in the near Although the organisation has undergone sev- future. eral internal clashes and divisions, it continues to be the organisational body for the peasant movement and represent the Bolivian peas- Peasant and cocaleros movements in antry before the government.3 Bolivia; organisation and structure The rural union movement has roots through- Efforts have been made to create peasant trade out the country, but their organisation is larg- unions in Bolivia since the thirties.