SheeLagh Murnaghan anD tHe Ulster LiberaL Party ‘In Northern Ireland politics, I don’t know which is the greatest obstacle: to be a woman, a Catholic or a Liberal. I am all three.’ Sheelagh Murnaghan, c. 1961.1 Constance Rynder examines the life and political career of the Ulster Liberal Party’s most successful office holder, the only Liberal to win a seat in the Northern Ireland parliament during its fifty-year existence, Sheelagh Mary Murnaghan (1924– 1993). 14 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 SheeLagh Murnaghan anD tHe Ulster LiberaL Party ntil 1956 the Liberal where she continued to push the the Easter Rising of 1916. In mid- Party in Northern ULP’s programme of reform. 1916 an increasingly desperate IPP Ireland had lain vir- The Murnaghan family was leadership began negotiating with tually dormant since no stranger to Ulster politics. Britain’s Liberal-led coalition gov- the partition of Ire- Sheelagh’s grandfather George ernment over a plan to partition Uland in 1921.2 That it re-emerged at Murnaghan, a ‘returned Yank’6 and Ireland as a mechanism for granting all, first as the Ulster Liberal Asso- successful dairy farmer in Omagh, Home Rule immediately.7 As Ulster ciation, owed much to the dynamic had represented Mid-Tyrone at Catholics and nationalists, the Mur- leadership of its co-founder, Albert Westminster from 1895 to 1910 as naghan family vehemently opposed McElroy. A non-subscribing Pres- the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) the exclusion of six northern coun- byterian clergyman3 and former MP. When the Local Government ties from a unified self-governing Northern Ireland Labour Party Act of 1898 finally empowered state. In Omagh, George’s solicitor (NILP) activist, in 1956 he met with the native Irish to elect their own son, George Jr, co-founded the Irish a small group of English Liberals county, urban and district councils, Nation League; he, his father and interested in expanding the Lib- Murnaghan also secured a seat on most of the large Murnaghan family eral revival into Ulster.4 The Ulster the Tyrone County Council from subsequently transferred their alle- Liberal Party’s (ULP) influence on which he wielded considerable giance to a newly reorganised Sinn developments in the early years of regional influence until 1921. Allied Fein Party.8 After the Government the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’, with the British Liberal Party on the of Ireland Act came into full force however, derived in large meas- issue of Home Rule, the IPP took in 1921, the Murnaghans initially ure from its most successful office a constitutional approach to Irish refused to recognise the new Belfast holder, Sheelagh Mary Murnaghan national aspirations. Passage of the regime. The Tyrone County Coun- (1924–1993). The only Liberal to third Home Rule Bill in 1912, and cil, as well as other boards and coun- win a seat in the Northern Ireland its anticipated implementation as cils on which George Sr sat, reported parliament (Stormont) during its of 1914, seemed to justify the IPP’s instead to the Dail Eireann in Dub- fifty-year existence, Murnaghan alliance with the Liberals at West- lin until their offices were raided regularly voiced the Liberal agenda minster. Both underestimated the by Belfast authorities.9 Like most there from 1961 to 1969. She hosted depth of opposition coming from Ulster Catholics, especially those visits by British Liberal Party lead- Ulster’s unionist majority; neither in the majority Catholic counties of ers Jo Grimond and Jeremy Thorpe could anticipate the havoc wreaked Tyrone and Fermanagh, the Mur- and kept in close touch with devel- on Ireland’s political landscape by naghans never quite forgave David opments at Westminster.5 Follow- World War I and its aftermath. Lloyd George and the Liberal Party ing the collapse of Stormont in Suspension of Home Rule for Sheelagh for abandoning them to a Protestant- 1972, Northern Ireland Secretary of the duration of the war led inexo- Murnaghan MP dominated separate state. State William Whitelaw appointed rably to open rebellion by physical with Rev. Albert Given her staunchly national- her to his Advisory Commission force nationalists, beginning with McElroy in 1963. ist heritage, Sheelagh Murnaghan Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 15 sHeeLagh Murnaghan anD tHe uLster LiberaL Party seemed an unlikely candidate to experience as the lone practising on four Act. By the early 1960s, long-stand- become the primary standard- female barrister of her day and her ing minority grievances in the prov- bearer for the Ulster Liberal Party. earthy sense of humour ultimately separate ince had begun to draw persistent Yet, early in 1959 she eagerly joined won Murnaghan the respect of her protests from Catholic professionals Albert McElroy in building an ecu- male colleagues. She often joined occasions and social justice advocates. They menical alternative to the sectarian them in the Members’ Bar for cited widespread discrimination in politics of unionism and national- brandy and cigars, swapping yarns between private and public sector employ- ism. A Queen’s University, Belfast and building useful relationships. ment, housing allocations and the (QUB) graduate, practising barris- Ever the individualist, she rarely 1964 and justice system. In addition, ger- ter and former captain of the Irish stood on ceremony, regardless of rymandered electoral boundaries, Ladies’ Hockey Team, Murnaghan the circumstances. For example, as 1968, Mur- especially at the local level, deprived embodied much that typified a there were yet no ‘ladies’ facilities’ naghan the Catholic community of political younger generation of educated, on the business floors of Stormont, influence even in those parts of the middle-class Catholics in North- Murnaghan began using the men’s introduced province where they constituted a ern Ireland. She sought equal treat- loo, persuading the notoriously majority of the citizenry. Unionist ment within the existing state, rather stuffy Attorney General Basil Kelly human rights one-party rule had left the Catholic than an end to partition. In her first to stand guard for her.14 In Sheelagh minority at the mercy of a majoritar- foray into electoral politics, Murna- Murnaghan the ULP had acquired legislation at ian regime. Murnaghan devoted her ghan stood for South Belfast in the both a courageous and a colourful political career to trying to change 1959 Westminster general election. political operator. stormont. this system, before it was too late to ‘Ulster Liberals’, she told voters, A firm opponent of capital pun- avert violence. ‘are pledged to maintain North- ishment, Murnaghan joined in an On four separate occasions ern Ireland’s constitutional posi- extensive floor debate on its mer- between 1964 and 1968, Murnaghan tion unless a majority of the people its only weeks after delivering her introduced human rights legisla- desire to revise it.’ In addition, the maiden speech at Stormont.15 At the tion at Stormont. In 1963 a mod- ULP supported English Liberal time, Prime Minister of Northern erate Unionist, Captain Terrence goals of greater economic integra- Ireland Lord Brookeborough and O’Neill, replaced the aging hard- tion with Europe, full employment, his government refused to accept in liner Brookeborough as Prime Min- profit-sharing and co-ownership any form the 1962 Nationalist bill ister of Northern Ireland. Reform in industry, and electoral reform.10 to abolish capital punishment. It now seemed possible. In June 1964 Although she garnered only 7.5 per was clear from the debate, however, Murnaghan submitted her first cent of the poll, the sight of a Pres- that several Unionist backbenchers Human Rights Bill. Modelled on byterian minister out canvassing for resented not being allowed a free the law in Ontario (Canada), and votes along side a Catholic female vote on the bill.16 Murnaghan con- no doubt inspired in part by the candidate made news.11 sidered this an opportunity to gar- Civil Rights Bill recently passed A 1961 QUB by-election for the ner cross-party support for penal by the US Congress, it represented Northern Ireland parliament gave reform, including the abolition of the very first attempt at broad civil Murnaghan and the ULP their first the death penalty. In 1963 she intro- rights legislation within the UK. It electoral success. With its small, duced her own private member’s banned discrimination in employ- well-educated electorate, the QUB bill, hoping the Unionist govern- ment, housing and public facilities constituency afforded women and ment would eventually respond ‘on the basis of race, creed, colour newcomers their best venue for chal- with a proposal of its own. The or political belief.’ The bill rec- lenging entrenched party interests at Homicide and Criminal Responsi- ommended establishing a Human Stormont. Moreover, it was the only bility Bill dealt with various aspects Rights Commission for Northern electoral area to retain proportional of the murder statutes, but its main Ireland. Most Unionist and Nation- representation; Albert McElroy had focus was the elimination of capi- alist MPs boycotted the debate; nearly won one of its four seats in tal punishment.17 Several Unionists only the NI Labour Party showed 1958. Murnaghan’s victory over her spoke in favour of Murnaghan’s bill, much interest.18 Unionist opponent in a straight fight but, once again, the government In February of 1966 Murnaghan spurred the creation of new Liberal refused to allow a free vote. Two again brought essentially the same associations across the province.12 It years later, however, the govern- bill before the Northern Ireland also guaranteed the ULP a voice at ment did introduce similar legisla- House of Commons. Reflecting the centre of political power for over tion, retaining the death penalty the British Liberal Party platform a decade. Murnaghan held her seat mainly for the murder of a police as well as recent legislation in the easily through the next two general office or prison warden.