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(.רOne Big Prison Freedom of Movement to and from the Gaza Strip on the Eve of the Disengagement Plan March 2005 Researched and written by Yehezkel Lein Data coordination by Najib Abu Rokaya, Ariana Baruch, Rim ‘Odeh, Shlomi Swissa Fieldwork by Musa Abu Hashhash, Iyad Haddad, Zaki Kahil, Karim Jubran, Mazen al-Majdalawi, ‘Abd al-Karim S’adi Assistance on legal issues by Yossi Wolfson Translated by Zvi Shulman, Shaul Vardi Edited by Rachel Greenspahn Introduction “The only thing missing in Gaza is a morning line-up,” said Abu Majid, who spent ten years in Israeli prisons, to Israeli journalist Amira Hass in 1996.1 This sarcastic comment expressed the frustration of Gaza residents that results from Israel’s rigid policy of closure on the Gaza Strip following the signing of the Oslo Agreements. The gap between the metaphor of the Gaza Strip as a prison and the reality in which Gazans live has rapidly shrunk since the outbreak of the intifada in September 2000 and the imposition of even harsher restrictions on movement. The shrinking of this gap is the subject of this report. Israel’s current policy on access into and out of the Gaza Strip developed gradually during the 1990s. The main component is the “general closure” that was imposed in 1993 on the Occupied Territories and has remained in effect ever since. Every Palestinian wanting to enter Israel, including those wanting to travel between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, needs an individual permit. In 1995, about the time of the Israeli military’s redeployment in the Gaza Strip pursuant to the Oslo Agreements, Israel built a perimeter fence, encircling the Gaza Strip and separating it from Israel. This barrier, which runs along the Green Line, consists of an electronic fence, patrol roads alongside the fence, and observation posts. As a result of the perimeter fence, there is no way to escape the permit regime in the Gaza Strip, unlike the situation in the West Bank. Since the beginning of the occupation, Palestinians traveling from the Gaza Strip to Egypt through the Rafah crossing have needed a permit from Israel. During the first intifada (1987-1993), Israel frequently took advantage of its ability to prevent Palestinians from leaving the Gaza Strip to go abroad. Since the perimeter fence was built, Palestinians have been unable to enter or leave the Gaza Strip without Israel’s approval. The primary body charged with administering the permit system is the Israeli District Coordination Office (DCO), which was established pursuant to the interim agreement (Oslo II) and inherited a few of the major functions of the Civil Administration. The Israeli DCO in the Gaza Strip is located inside the closed army compound in the industrial zone at the Erez checkpoint. Unlike the Civil Administration, the DCO does not have direct contact with the Palestinian population. It conducts its business through the Palestinian DCO, which acts as a kind of broker in permit matters. Yet this change was only a procedural one. The extent of Israel’s control over the movement of people and goods to and from the Gaza Strip remained 1Amira Hass, Drinking from the Sea of Gaza (Tel Aviv: Kibbutz Hameuchad, 1996) 255. 2the same following the Oslo Agreements and the establishment of the Palestinian Authority. The permit regime governing Palestinian movement is one of the main components of Israeli control over Palestinians since the beginning of the occupation. The demographic and economic features of the Gaza Strip, some of which have characterized the area since the 1948 war, have increased the feeling of “incarceration” resulting from Israel’s restrictions on movement. First and foremost, the Gaza Strip is one of the most densely populated areas on earth, with more than 1.4 million people living on 365 square kilometers of land, which translates into 4,000 people per square kilometer. This figure is somewhat misleading because Israel has allocated fifteen percent of the Gaza Strip (fifty-four square kilometers) for the use of 7,800 settlers; this area is not accessible to the Palestinian population. Other areas inside Gaza are under army control. Therefore, in practice the population density among Palestinians is at least 4,700 people per square kilometer. In comparison, the population density in Israel is 305 people per square kilometer. More than sixty percent of the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip are refugees, many of whom live in eight refugee camps, where the population density is even higher. The population density is accompanied by a severe lack of infrastructure and public services, and by disgraceful levels of unemployment and poverty – thirty-five and seventy-seven percent, respectively, as of the end of 2004.2 On 8 February 2005, a summit was held in Sharm el-Sheikh between the president of the Palestinian Authority, Muhammad Abbas, and Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon. At the end of the meeting, the two leaders declared a cease-fire. Since then, the violence on both sides has diminished, as is evident from the sharp drop in the number of people who have been killed and wounded, both Palestinian and Israeli. Following the Abbas-Sharon meeting, Israel decided to take a number of measures to significantly improve the human rights situation of Palestinians, such as releasing administrative detainees, allowing Palestinians who had been expelled to return to the West Bank, ceasing punitive house demolitions, and refraining from carrying out assassinations. However, these measures had only a minimal affect on the subject of this report – freedom of movement of Palestinians and goods to and from Gaza. On 20 February 2005, the Israeli government obtained the necessary approval to carry out the “Disengagement Plan,” which calls for the Israeli military to leave the Gaza Strip and for the evacuation of all the Israeli settlements in Gaza. However, even after the plan is implemented, 2The population, area, and economic statistics are taken from the Website of the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, and are available at <a href="/goto?url=http://www.pcbs.org" target="_blank">www.pcbs.org. </a>3 Israel will continue to maintain absolute control over the land borders of the Gaza Strip, and of the Gaza Strip’s air space and territorial waters. As a result, even after disengagement, Israel will control the movement of people and goods to and from the Gaza Strip. Despite this, the government expressly states that disengagement will “invalidate the claims against Israel regarding its responsibility for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”3 This report has a dual purpose. Firstly, the report documents the grave and prolonged violation of human rights resulting from Israel’s control of the movement of people and goods between the Gaza Strip and the rest of the world, and secondly, it challenges Israel’s attempt to avoid responsibility for the population of the Gaza Strip following disengagement. The first three chapters of the report discuss Israel’s policy regarding the movement of people between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, Israel (excluding the movement of workers), and Egypt, and analyzes the policy in the framework of international law. The fourth chapter deals with the two principal factors that impede economic activity in the Gaza Strip – the restrictions on foreign trade and entry into Israel for work. The fifth chapter examines the question of Israel’s legal responsibility for ensuring the human rights of residents of the Gaza Strip following disengagement. 3Government Decision 1996, 6 June 2004, “Amended Disengagement Plan – Continuation of Discussion,” Section 1(f). 4Chapter One Are the West Bank and Gaza Strip really “a single territorial unit”? Despite the fifty kilometers that separate them, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are in many important ways a single political unit. This is primarily by virtue of the common national identity of the residents (excluding, of course, the Israeli settlers). This collective consciousness has grown since 1967, when Israel occupied both of these areas and subsequently administered them in a similar and coordinated manner. Some twenty-five years later, as part of the peace process, the two sides formally recognized the two areas as a single territorial unit, in which the Palestinian people would realize their right to self-determination. But more than consciousness and declarations are involved in the West Bank and Gaza Strip being one territorial unit. Since the beginning of the occupation, the two areas have undergone a rapid integration in all aspects of life, including family and social ties, education, culture, and economy. Upon the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, the integration increased, with the PA being responsible for both areas and administering them as one political-administrative unit. The increasing integration and interdependence made the Palestinian population particularly vulnerable to Israel’s policy on movement across its territory to travel between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. 1. Historical background Shortly after the 1967 war, the Israeli army issued two orders declaring the Gaza Strip and the West Bank closed military areas.4 The closed-area status changed in 1972, with the issuance of orders declaring “a general exit permit” from the two areas.5 As a result, residents of the Occupied Territories were allowed to enter Israel almost without restriction, including for the purpose of moving between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Israel also allowed Palestinians to change their residence from one area to the other with relative ease, provided they changed their address in the population registry kept by the Civil Administration. About eighteen months after the outbreak of the first intifada, a drastic change began in Israel's policy regarding freedom of movement. In June 1989, Israel instituted the use of 4 Order Closing Area (Gaza Strip and Northern Sinai) (No. 1), 5727 – 1967; Order Regarding Closing of Territory (West Bank Area) (No. 34), 5727 – 1967. 5 General Exit Permit (No. 5) (Judea and Samaria), 5732 – 1972. A similar permit was issued for the Gaza Strip. 5magnetic cards in the Gaza Strip. These cards, which were issued to residents by the Civil Administration in the Gaza Strip following General Security Service approval, contained encoded information about the holder of the card. Only Palestinians who had magnetic cards were allowed to enter Israel in order to cross to the West Bank. The Civil Administration refused to issue magnetic cards to former prisoners or administrative detainees, or even Palestinians who had been arrested and later released without being charged. In the West Bank, Israel issued green ID cards, which could easily be distinguished from the standard orange ID cards used at the time, to Palestinians with a “security record” and were thus forbidden to leave the West Bank. In January 1991, during the Gulf War, Israel cancelled the general exit permit from 1972, and any resident of the Occupied Territories who wanted to enter Israel needed to obtain an individual exit permit.6 This did not have an immediate effect on the residents. Initially, Israel issued many permits for relatively long periods, enabling most Palestinians to continue entering Israel as a matter of routine. However, Israel tightened its policy as time passed, and fewer and fewer Palestinians received permits. The cancellation of the general exit permit marked the beginning of the closure policy. In March 1993, after Palestinians killed nine Israeli civilians and six security forces, Israel imposed a “general closure” on the Occupied Territories, which still remains in place. The imposition of the closure was intended to institutionalize the individual-permit policy that Israel instituted in 1991. The closure also made it more difficult for Palestinians to change their residence from one area to the other. Changing an address listed in ID cards became a long and complicated procedure, and many requests for address changes were rejected. In the period since 1993, in addition to the "general closure," Israel has occasionally imposed a comprehensive closure, primarily after an attack that left many casualties, following intelligence warnings of intended attacks, and on Israeli holidays. During a comprehensive closure, all permits are automatically cancelled, and requests for permits are not accepted. The peace process that began in September 1993 with the signing of the Declaration of Principles by Israel and the PLO brought expectations that freedom of movement between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank would improve. The hope for improvement was rooted in the 6 Order Regarding Suspension of the General Exit Permit (No. 5) (Temporary Order) (Judea and Samaria), 5751 – 1991. A similar order was issued for the Gaza Strip. 6statement in the Declaration of Principles that, “The two sides view the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as a single territorial unit, the integrity and status of which will be preserved during the interim period.”7 The Cairo Agreement, of 1994, and the Interim Agreement, signed in 1995, state that in light of the geographic separation between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and in order to connect them, there shall be a “safe passage” route across Israeli territory, along which Palestinians could travel between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.8 The Interim Agreement also states that the safe-passage route will include two separate roads that connect the northern West Bank and the southern Gaza Strip. In October 1999, following a delay of several years, the southern safe-passage route was opened.9 This road made it somewhat easier for Palestinians to move between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. However, they still had to obtain transit permits from Israel to travel along the safe-passage route, and to undergo strict security checks before passing the exit checkpoints. Many residents were allowed to use the safe-passage route only on a special bus with an army escort. Thousands of others were classified as “absolutely forbidden” and were not allowed to use the safe-passage route even on special buses with army escort.10 The safe-passage route operated for less than one year. With the outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifada in September 2000, Israel closed the safe-passage route, and it has remained closed ever since. The Interim Agreement also stated that, “Powers and responsibilities in the sphere of population registry and documentation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip will be transferred from the military government and its Civil Administration to the Palestinian 7 Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, signed in Washington on 13 September 1993, Article 4. Similar wording is found in the Cairo Agreement (Oslo I) and the Interim Agreement (Oslo II). 8 The Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area (Oslo I), signed in Cairo on 4 May 1994, Annex I, Article 9; The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Oslo II), signed in Washington on 28 September 1995, Annex I, Article 10. 9 Consent for the opening was obtained as part of the Wye Agreement, signed in October 1998. 10 According to PA figures, between October 1999 and May 2000, 35,876 requests to use the safe-passage route were submitted; 27,612 requests were approved, 1,918 were given permission to travel on the special buses, and 6,346 requests were rejected. 7side.”11 The Palestinian side was obligated to inform the Israeli side of “every change in its population registry, including, inter alia, any change in the place of residence of any resident.”12 In practice, Israel only enabled the Palestinian Authority to serve as a conduit for change of residence. Israel continued to approve or reject these requests, just as it had prior to the signing of the Interim Agreement. 2. Separation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip since the outbreak of the intifada The closing of the safe-passage route at the end of September 2000 marked the beginning of a separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank that was unprecedented during the course of Israel’s occupation. Freedom of movement became a rarely-granted privilege. Israel’s policy for granting travel permits has been arbitrary and lacks transparency. It has harmed all aspects of life in which there is a connection and mutual dependence between residents of the two areas, including family life, education, and access to medical treatment. Palestinians wanting to obtain a transit permit to travel from the Gaza Strip to the West Bank, or vice versa, must submit a request at the Palestinian DCO in the area in which they reside, by filling out a form with their personal information and the reason they seek the permit. Along with the form, they need to attach a copy of their ID card and magnetic card (if they have one), and documents verifying their stated reason for making the application. The Palestinian DCO forwards the request to an Israeli DCO. In the West Bank, there are nine Israeli DCOs; in the Gaza Strip, there is only one, which is located at the Erez checkpoint.13 Officers at the Israeli DCO examine the requests and attach documents and forward their decision to the Palestinian DCO within a period of seven to ten days. Notice of denial of a request for a travel permit is given by returning the original request form, stamped with the word “Rejected," to the Palestinian DCO. No reason for the rejection is given. Israeli DCO officials generally inform their Palestinian counterparts, either orally or by means of a handwritten note on the request form, of the general category of the rejection: 11 Interim Agreement (Oslo II), Annex III, Article 28 (1) (Protocol Concerning Civil Affairs). 12 Interim Agreement, Annex III, Article 28 (10). 13 The Israeli DCOs in the West Bank are located in the following locations: near Sallem, in the northwest corner of the West Bank; near Huwarra, south of Nablus; south of Tulkarm; at the Qedumim settlement; at the Civil Administration office at the Beit El settlement; near the Ma’aleh Adumim settlement; near the Etzion intersection, south of Jerusalem; at Mt. Manuah, south of Hebron; and near the Vered Hagalil settlement, southwest of Jericho. 8security reasons, failure to prove the reason for which the permit is requested, failure to prove the family relationship of the person whom the applicant wishes to visit, or “comprehensive closure.” The first category is the most common, and stems from the determination by the GSS that a person is rejected for security reasons. According to Brig. Gen. Ilan Paz, head of the Civil Administration in the West Bank, DCO officials do not know the reason for the security rejection and are not authorized to override the decision. The only way a Palestinian can change the decision, according to Paz, is to meet with a GSS agent.14 GSS agents have always used such meetings to pressure Palestinians to collaborate.15 14 Paz provided this information at a meeting B’Tselem held with leading Civil Administration officials on 20 June 2004. 15 See B’Tselem, Forbidden Roads: The Discriminatory West Bank Road Regime, August 2004, Chapter 3; Builders of Zion: Human Rights Violations of Palestinians from the Occupied Territories Working in Israel and the Settlements, September 1999, Chapter 4. 9Travel between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank other than through Israel Palestinians wanting to go from the Gaza Strip to the West Bank, or vice versa, can in theory do so without crossing through Israel. Residents of the Gaza Strip can enter Egypt through the Rafah crossing, go by taxi to the airport in el-Arish or Cairo, and fly to Amman, in Jordan. From there, they can take a taxi to the Allenby Bridge, and then go to anywhere in the West Bank. Usually though, this possibility exists only on paper. Firstly, in order for a Palestinian to travel via such a route, Israel must agree. All residents of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip who want to leave these areas to go to Egypt or Jordan require Israeli approval. For the tens of thousands of Palestinians who are denied permission to go abroad, either for individual reasons or because they belong to a certain category (a certain age group or family status, for example), this option is not available.16 Another stumbling block is the requirement that a resident of the Gaza Strip wanting to enter the West Bank have an entry permit, issued by the Israeli DCO in the Gaza Strip, to cross the Allenby Bridge into the West Bank. Secondly, Egyptian and Jordanian authorities must also grant approval. Residents of the Gaza Strip who want to enter Egypt to board a plane to go to another country, including Jordan, do not need a special visa, but they have to provide a reason for the travel and show relevant documentation (such as a plane ticket, appointment for surgery, or a letter of admission to a university). There have been times when Egyptian officials at the Rafah crossing have turned back Palestinians from the Gaza Strip because they failed to provide sufficient proof as to why they wanted to travel abroad. Palestinians from the Gaza Strip also need a visa to enter Jordan, which is issued at the Jordanian consulate in Gaza City. Residents of the West Bank do not require a visa to enter Jordan, but do have to obtain a “lack of objection” document, which the Jordanian authorities in the West Bank provide. Thirdly, it is much more expensive to travel between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip via Egypt than it is to go through Israel. The costs include airfare from el-Arish to Amman and back, taxi fare between the crossing points and the airports, the cost of an entry visa or “lack of objection” document, airport tax for leaving via the Rafah crossing or Allenby Bridge, and the living expenses incurred along the route. In all, the travel costs come to between NIS 1,200-2,000 per person. For many residents of the Occupied Territories, these costs render this option unrealistic. 16 For further discussion on this point, see Chapter Two. 10 According to the IDF Spokesperson, Israel allows Palestinians to pass between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip “in humanitarian cases, subject to the closure regulations that change from time to time.”17 However, the defense establishment has consistently refused to define the kinds of cases that are considered “humanitarian” or what considerations underlie this classification. This lack of transparency readily leads to arbitrary decisions.

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