Self-Regulation and Innovation in the Peer-To-Peer Sharing Economy Molly Cohent & Arun Sundararajantt

Self-Regulation and Innovation in the Peer-To-Peer Sharing Economy Molly Cohent & Arun Sundararajantt

Cohen and Sundararajan: Self-Regulation and Innovation in the Peer-to-Peer Sharing Econom Self-Regulation and Innovation in the Peer-to-Peer Sharing Economy Molly Cohent & Arun Sundararajantt INTRODUCTION A growing fraction of the world's economy involves digitally enabled peer-to-peer exchange. This form of exchange has ex- panded dramatically in recent years, moving beyond simple re- tailing and free file exchange to personal, human-intensive serv- ices such as hosted accommodation, urban and city-to-city transportation, neighborhood logistics, peer-to-peer lending, eq- uity crowdfunding, and decentralized manufacturing. Such ex- change, while mediated by digital platforms like Uber, Airbnb, Lyft, Etsy, Funding Circle, and AngelList, frequently involves the peer-to-peer provision of familiar real-world services that are the traditional subjects of regulation. It blurs the line be- tween personal and professional in the provision of commercial services. Further, it often involves semianonymous transactions. Each of these factors creates a variety of regulatory challenges that could impede innovation, especially the grassroots innova- tion made possible by new opportunities for peer-to-peer ex- change. Additionally, these regulatory barriers may slow the growth of employment that involves individuals providing goods, services, labor, and capital through peer-to-peer platforms-a form of work that will in future years constitute a larger fraction of the economy than it does today. We argue that the resolution of these challenges must in- clude self-regulatory approaches. Self-regulation is not the same as deregulation or no regulation. Rather, it is the reallocation of regulatory responsibility to parties other than the government. We explain why platforms should not be viewed as entities to be regulated but rather as actors that are a key part of the regulatory t National Center on Philanthropy and the Law Fellow, Office of the General Counsel, New York University. t Professor and NEC Faculty Fellow, Leonard N. Stern School of Business, New York University. Jonah Blumstein, Valeriya Greene, and Eric Jacobson provided excellent research assistance. Published by Chicago Unbound, 2017 1 University of Chicago Law Review Online, Vol. 82 [2017], Iss. 1, Art. 8 2015] Self-Regulation and Innovation framework in this arena. For nonintermediated peer-to-peer ex- change in the past, the primary solution to market failure was intervention by a government agency. But today, the existence of third-party platforms that mediate exchange fundamentally alters what the market is capable of providing on its own, and it creates a new institution capable of affecting what Michel Fou- cault referred to as the "conduct of conduct."1 Nevertheless, be- cause the interests of digital, third-party platforms are not al- ways perfectly aligned with the broader interests of society, some governmental involvement or oversight is likely to remain useful. In this Essay, we describe different factors that may induce market failure and highlight the extent to which these are miti- gated by the existence of new digital platforms. We outline how self-regulation can form part of a broader innovation-enhancing solution, providing guidelines for sharing-economy regulation that draw from self-regulatory experiences in industries ranging from nuclear power and financial intermediation to chemical production and cotton supply. Demonstrated enforcement capa- bilities along with a clear perception of independence and le- gitimacy are essential. Leveraging reputational concerns can complement traditional regulation. We distinguish between those entities that, in a self-regulatory solution, are well suited to correct information asymmetries, and those that are well suited to address market failure from externalities. We conclude by noting some of the opportunities presented by delegated regu- lation through data-a form of regulation that has the potential to be superior to mandated marketplace transparency. We fre- quently use the peer-to-peer marketplace Airbnb and the context of short-term, hosted accommodation to illustrate our arguments. I.BACKGROUND At the end of 2014, Airbnb's CEO, Brian Chesky, announced that the company's peer-to-peer marketplace listed over one mil- lion homes and was adding three thousand new listings per 1 Colin Gordon, Governmental Rationality: An Introduction, in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds, The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality 1, 2-3 (Chicago 1991) (describing Foucault's term "conduct of conduct" as a perspective of the self toward the structures of government, specifically vis-a-vis the conformance of personal conduct to broader social institutions). http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclrev_online/vol82/iss1/8 2 Cohen and Sundararajan: Self-Regulation and Innovation in the Peer-to-Peer Sharing Econom The University of Chicago Law Review Dialogue [82:116 day.2 Airbnb is one of a number of new digital platforms that fa- cilitates widespread, peer-to-peer commerce. Uber, Lyft, and Sidecar allow drivers in hundreds of cities to offer taxicab-like point-to-point urban transportation that is requested through a mobile application. Paris-based BlaBlaCar and Munich-based Carpooling.com have each built city-to-city transportation net- works using online peer-to-peer marketplaces that connect indi- vidual drivers with potential passengers. Etsy, an online mar- ketplace centered on handmade and vintage items, has over one million sellers that power a decentralized, open-industrial- production-and-distribution system. Peer-to-peer lending plat- forms Lending Club and Funding Circle have mediated billions of dollars in loans among their members. These peer-to-peer, col- laborative, sharing-economy platforms3 are new market-firm hybrids that centralize certain activities associated with the provision of commercial services (like branding, trust, and pay- ments) while decentralizing others (like pricing, supply infra- structure, and service provision). Early forms of peer-to-peer accommodation, transportation, venture financing, lending, and labor provision may have emerged as a grassroots response to deficiencies in existing cor- porate alternatives. 4 Today, however, platforms owned by shareholder corporations and funded by significant venture capi- tal drive the growth of the sharing economy. 5 These platforms are 2 See Brian Chesky, Tweet by @bchesky (Twitter Dec 7, 2014, 12:09 PM), online at http://twitter.com/bchesky/status/541655860271783937 (visited Feb 22, 2015). 3 There is considerable debate in the popular press about what constitutes the sharing economy. For an overview of different kinds of peer-to-peer businesses, the tech- nological and economic drivers of their emergence, and their possible economic impacts, see Arun Sundararajan, Peer-to-Peer Businesses and the Sharing (Collaborative) Econ- omy: Overview, Economic Effects and Regulatory Issues, in The Power of Connection: Peer-to-Peer Businesses, Hearing before the House Committee on Small Business, 213th Cong, 2d Sess 20-28 (2014). See also Christopher Koopman, Matthew Mitchell, and Adam Thierer, The Sharing Economy and Consumer ProtectionRegulation: The Case for Policy Change *3-5 (Mercatus Research Dec 2014), online at http://mercatus.org/sites/ default/files/Koopman-Sharing-Economy.pdf (visited Feb 22, 2014). 4 For example, loans from relatives or friends are common alternatives to bank loans. Lending Club launched initially as a Facebook application aimed at using the trust created by social networks to attract young borrowers with credit histories that re- stricted these borrowers' traditional financing alternatives. See Ming Kwan and Deepak Ramachandran, Trust and Online Reputation Systems, in Jennifer Golbeck, ed, Comput- ing with Social Trust 287, 301 (Springer 2009); Victoria Barret, Bank of Americans, Forbes 44, 44 (Dec 20, 2010). 5 As of January 31, 2014, Uber had received close to $5 billion in pre-IPO funding, Airbnb had received over $790 million, and Lyft had received over $330 million. Mike Isaac and Michael J. De La Merced, Ride-Hailing Service Lyft Is Said to Be in Talks to Published by Chicago Unbound, 2017 3 University of Chicago Law Review Online, Vol. 82 [2017], Iss. 1, Art. 8 2015] Self-Regulation and Innovation frequently cast as the protagonists in conflicts between existing regulations and the commercial activity that the platforms en- able.6 Since the eventual commercial success of a platform de- pends on its participants' ability to engage in exchange, the plat- forms have invested significant resources in addressing the misfit between existing regulation and the exchange that they facilitate. 7 This leads to confusion between regulating the plat- forms themselves and regulating the exchange that their mar- ketplaces facilitate. We argue in this Essay that platforms should be viewed as part of the solution, rather than part of the problem, and they should be included as key actors in a self-regulatory regime. In order to guide the discovery of a new division of regulatory re- sponsibility among the government, these new market owners, and other societal stakeholders, we outline some sources of mar- ket failure commonly associated with the activities now con- ducted as part of the sharing economy, examine what self- regulatory organizations are and what factors make them effec- tive, and apply these insights to envision the shape that success- ful self-regulation in the sharing economy might take. II. THE SHARING ECONOMY:

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