The Fdp's Ostpolitik Under Hans-Dietrich Genscher, 1974-1990

The Fdp's Ostpolitik Under Hans-Dietrich Genscher, 1974-1990

GERMAN LIBERALISM AND FOREIGN POLICY: THE FDP'S OSTPOLITIK UNDER HANS-DIETRICH GENSCHER, 1974-1990 Constanze Ketterer Submitted for the Ph.D. Degree London School of Economics University of London November 1994 1 UMI Number: U074610 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U074610 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 x2 Abstract For most of West Germany's history, the FDP has been the smallest party in the German system. However, in relation to their numerical weakness, the Liberals have exerted a disproportionally large influence on German foreign policy, especially in the field of Ostpolitik/German policy. With a special emphasis on the years 1974-1990 and on Hans- Dietrich Genscher's role as Foreign Minister, this dissertation examines the question how the FDP, at times barely making it into the Bundestag, could come to have such a strong impact on German Ostpolitik. Equally, this study is concerned with the constraints on the Free Democrats' freedom of manoeuvre in foreign policy. The following parameters are investigated to explain and define the FDP's capacities for action in foreign policy: (1) the impact of international relations, (2) the domestic context, and (3) the historical- ideological aspects of liberal foreign policy. Since the Free Democrats were in government with two different partners during the time period in question, the impact of these three parameters is examined during the Social-Liberal coalition (1974-82) and the Christian-Liberal coalition (1982-1990) respectively. Three main and related conclusions emerge from this study. First, that the international climate, while setting a tight framework for the Free Democrats' foreign policy, simultaneously allowed a number of specific FDP (Genscher) initiatives to have some impact on East-West relations, much more so during the 1980s than during the 1970s. Second, that the domestic context had nearly opposite effects on the FDP's foreign policy before and after 1982: during their coalition with the SPD, the domestic factors constrained the Free Democrats' capacities for action, while during the Christian-Liberal coalition, the FDP was able to exploit the domestic-political constellations to its advantage. And third, that contrary to what the literature on the Free Democrats posits, liberal ideology and personalities not only substantially influenced the FDP's Ostpolitik between 1974 and 1990, but provided a crucial element of continuity, consistency and indeed identity for the party. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS 3-5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6-7 ABBREVIATIONS 8 CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 9-32 * Introduction to the research problem 10 * International relations and German foreign policy 12 * The domestic context 15 * The historical-ideological aspects of liberal foreign policy 23 * Research gap 28 * Methodology 31 * Chapter structure 32 CHAPTER II. THE FDP'S HISTORICAL LEGACY - LIBERAL FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE 1974 33-53 * The link between liberalism and nationalism 34 * Nationalism and the collapse of the Weimar Republic 41 * Heritage reconsidered - liberal foreign policy after World War II 44 * Conclusion 52 CHAPTER III. THE SOCIAL-LIBERAL COALITION 1974-82: THE INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK 54-94 * Economic relations 56 * Berlin controversies 62 * National issues 66 * Humanitarian matters 69 * Managing the crisis of detente 77 * The politics of damage-limitation in inner-German relations 88 * Conclusion ‘ 90 3 CHAPTER IV. THE SOCIAL-LIBERAL COALITION 1974-82: THE DOMESTIC CONTEXT 95-131 * The FDP's foreign policy profile 96 * Parliamentary opposition and foreign policy 100 * The Bundestag elections of 1976 106 * Chancellor's Office and Foreign Office 110 * Crumbling intra-coalition consensus over Ostpolitik 112 * The Bundestag elections of 1980 117 * The last Social-Liberal cabinet - breakdown of the coalition 120 * Conclusion 129 CHAPTER V. THE IMPACT OF LIBERAL IDEOLOGY 1974-90 132-164 * National unification and the principle of self-determination 133 * The Berlin factor 137 * Human rights and the issue of non-intervention 139 * United Nations/International law 146 * Detente or defence? 150 * Genscherism - merely a label of convenience? 154 * Conclusion 162 CHAPTER VI. THE CHRISTIAN-LIBERAL COALITION 1982-90: THE INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK 165-206 * The impact of US and Soviet leadership on the FDP's Ostpolitik 166 * The FDP's room for manoeuvre in German policy 174 * Gorbachev's assumption of power and progress in arms control 178 * The implications of perestroika and glasnost for Ostpolitik 185 * The opening of Eastern Europe and the origins of the 2+4 process 192 * The negotiations on German unification 199 * Conclusion 203 CHAPTER VII. THE CHRISTIAN-LIBERAL COALITION 1982-90: THE DOMESTIC CONTEXT 207-253 * The FDP's struggle for survival - the Bundestag elections of 1983 208 * Consensus and dissensus in Parliament 211 * Cooperation between the Chancellor's Office and the Foreign Office 214 * The FDP's use of Ostpolitik for self-promotion 218 * Detente and defence - public opinion and liberal foreign policy 226 * The process of German unification - Internal issues 235 * The process of German unification - External issues 241 * Genscher's role in the first pan-German elections 1990 246 * Conclusion 251 4 CHAPTER VIII. CONCLUSION 254-285 * International relations 255 * Domestic context 264 * Liberal ideology 272 CHRONOLOGY 286 BIBLIOGRAPHY 292 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people and organizations whom I would like to thank for their help in enabling me to complete this thesis. I am indebted to my supervisors Prof. Christopher Hill and Prof. Gordon Smith, who steered me more than once in the right direction without ever discouraging me. I also appreciated the speed with which Prof. Hill and Prof. Smith read my drafts. My special thanks go to the Friedrich-Naumann Foundation in Konigswinter, which provided me with a generous doctoral scholarship from 1992 until 1994, and to Prof. Bernhard Felderer at the Ruhr- Universitat in Bochum who was my adviser during these two years. I am also grateful to the Archiv des Deutschen Liberalismus in Gummersbach for making its research facilities available to me. I would particularly like to thank Dr. Fassbaender and Mr. Pradier for their cooperation. I am indebted to a number of other organizations and librarians who made their resources available: Mrs. Usadel and Mrs. Bernard in the Friedrich-Naumann Foundation's Library in Konigswinter, Mr. Nettekoven and Mr. Krone in the Bundestag Press Archives in Bonn, the Bundestag Library and Mr. Rub in the Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung in Bonn. My deepest personal thanks go to my parents and Helmuth Bahn for their constant support and encouragement. All of the people named above provided valuable assistance in this project, though needless to say none bears any responsibility for remaining flaws in this dissertation or for my personal judgement. 6 To my parents 7 ABBREVIATIONS CDU Christian Democratic Union CFE Conventional Forces of Europe CFSP Common Foreign and Security Policy CMEA Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (Soviet bloc) CoCom Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls CSCE Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe CSU Christian Social Union DDP German Democratic Party (Weimar Republic) DVP German People's Party (Weimar Republic) EC European Community ECE Economic Commission for Europe EMU Economic and Monetary Union EP European Parliament EPC European Political Cooperation FDP Free Democratic Party FRG Federal Republic of Germany GDR German Democratic Republic INF Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces LDPD Liberal Democratic Party of Germany MBFR Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development SALT Strategic Arms Limitation Talks SDI Strategic Defence Initiative SED Socialist Unity Party (East German Communist party) SPD Social Democratic Party START Strategic Arms Reduction Talks UN United Nations WEU Western European Union 8 Chapter I. Introduction 9 Introduction to the research problem Germany’s geopolitical position in the middle of Europe has compelled every German statesman since Bismarck to pursue some kind of Eastern policy. The question of Eastern policy has naturally been tied up with Germany's whole foreign policy concept and thus played a very important role: if Germany decided to pursue favourable relations with the East, it was bound to alienate its Western neighbours, and if it concluded agreements with the West, it surely troubled the East. In addition, there was the constant danger that East and West would ally themselves against Germany which made alliances towards one side or the other absolutely compulsory. The importance of Eastern policy for German foreign policy and for Germany as a whole increased even more after World War II. East- West polarisation now occupied the whole world in form of the Cold War, and Germany as divided country - with

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