Japan's Burakumin: an Introduction

Japan's Burakumin: an Introduction

Volume 4 | Issue 1 | Article ID 2075 | Jan 04, 2006 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japan's Burakumin: An Introduction Alastair McLaughlan Japan’s Burakumin: An Introduction Alastair McLaughlan “Burakumin maggots…kill eta filth…burakumin have four legs…buraku people cause AIDS…” These examples of anti-buraku graffiti are not from Japan’s distant past, but vivid reminders from the 21st century that anti-buraku prejudice remains extant in some sectors of Japanese society. Formal discrimination against all outcastes was abolished by the new Meiji government’s 1871 Although the Japanese word buraku literally Eta Emancipation Edict (Eta Kaiho Rei) but, means a hamlet or small village, in many parts only since 1969 has the government directed of Japan, especially southern Honshu’s Kansai, significant financial resources toward Hiroshima and Hyogo regions, the term has a overcoming the historical problems of buraku connotation akin to our own word ghetto. socio-economic circumstances via its series of Furthermore, the word burakumin (lit. buraku Laws on Special Measures for Dowa Regions. people) is pejoratively applied to denigrate the Together with Japan’s postwar economic residents of buraku villages. Anti-buraku progress, funding from Special Measures Laws attitudes are largely founded on those(SML) has helped improve the physical residents’ historical connections to Tokugawa environment of many buraku significantly. Japan’s eta (lit. much filth) and hinin (lit. non- However, apart from improved living conditions human) outcastes. In particular, the leather within many buraku neighborhoods, surveys and butchery work of the despised eta were and buraku activist organizations continue to once regarded as polluted occupations,highlight significant statistical discrepancies permanently and irretrievably infecting those between buraku and non-buraku populations, who carried out such tasks, as well as their especially in education, social welfare descendants and associates in all future dependency, social attitudes, employment and generations. The Japanese governmentmarriage. currently acknowledges 1.2 million buraku residents living in 3000 buraku, while activists Over the years, many more residents have claim 3 million residents and 6000 buraku. The shifted out of their buraku altogether, a difference comes about in part because the process known as “passing”. Although attitudes government figure includes only thosetowards current and former buraku residents currently residing in a buraku and who claim have mellowed since the 1960s and 1970s, buraku ancestry, while the activists’ figure “passers” may still be liable to discrimination if embraces all current and former buraku their buraku connections are subsequently residents, including those current residents discovered. Accordingly, even today, former who claim no buraku ancestry. buraku residents are very careful about 1 4 | 1 | 0 APJ | JF divulging their buraku connections, including served by one, whether their taxi-driver, even to close friends. Outside of Kansai, most school-teacher, dentist, car mechanic or bar families would not care and, in fact, most have hostess is one, or whether their neighbour is probably never heard of the buraku issue. But one. However, when the issue is as serious as in greater Kansai, the issue is still verymarriage or employment, substantial sums of sensitive and the risk of discrimination,money are paid to the hundreds of private ostracism and graffiti is still very real. One of investigators who conduct (illegal) background the leading activist groups, the Buraku Kaiho checks specifically looking for any hint of Domei (BKD), reports more than 300 incidents buraku ancestry or association. If any such of specific anti-buraku discrimination in Osaka connection is discovered, the parents will often City alone each year. In their efforts to avoid do their best to prevent their child marrying criticism and prescriptive labels, official“into the buraku” by attempting to break the government agencies do not use the term relationship, emotive imploring, bribes, buraku at all, but refer exclusively to dowa absolute forbiddance or disinheritance. chiku (lit. assimilation communities) and dowa mondai (the assimilation issue). In spite of having poured billions of yen into attempting to solve what is one of Japan’s least Many, but not all, of Japan’s modern buraku discussed social issues, neither the government communities are located on the sites of former nor the residents of buraku are completely free eta villages and many buraku residents do have from the “buraku problem”. This leaves eta ancestry. It is also true that many buraku activists scathing over what they see as the residents have maintained their tanneries and government’s lip-service approach and at reputation for the skilled manufacture of shoes, entrenched prejudice within Japanese society in drums, jackets, belts etc. Sadly, this ‘leather general. On the other hand, many Japanese connection’ remains a link between today’s respond with claims of reverse discrimination – buraku and the spiritual pollution enforced the notion that the problem has already been upon the eta of the Tokugawa periodsolved and that the government is now guilty of (1600-1868). Moreover, the reality of continued doing far too much merely to placate the marginalisation and prejudice is that many greedy and aggressive buraku organisations. buraku are of low socio-economic standing and One further contentious issue is the BKD’s that many of their older inhabitants, incontinued practice of kyudan (lit. particular, are unskilled and/or unemployed. denunciation). These feared sessions require Moreover, all buraku residents, whether of eta the accused individual, company or ancestry or not, are often stereotyped as the organisation to appear before a series of public perpetrators of crime, drug dealing, violence, hearings of buraku officials and residents. Each prostitution and gang activity. session may last for several hours until the accused admits to the charge of discrimination, One of the great ironies of the buraku issue is promises a “change of heart”, and agrees to that with the exception of Chinese/Korean undergo human rights education and to actively families who have moved into the buraku, the promote buraku justice. The denunciation residents are ethnic Japanese and, therefore, sessions are highly emotive and, while judges indistinguishable from ippan (mainstream) in the 1980s reluctantly approved of the Japanese. This means that even Japanese process if strictly monitored, there is serious people who still despise buraku and their criticism today that the sessions are themselves residents, actually have no way of knowing infringements of human rights and that they do whether they are seated next to one on a train nothing other than intimidate, drive attitudes or bus, whether their food has been cooked or underground, and generate even greater anti- 2 4 | 1 | 0 APJ | JF buraku feelings. academics, entrepreneurs and others have been successful in their lives and careers. Buraku which have received government Many, many more have never revealed their funding are referred to as kaiho buraku buraku backgrounds. (liberated buraku). Their slums have been replaced with multi-storeyed apartment blocks The historic belief by many Japanese in their and the communal facilities are often better own homogeneity has produced a strong sense than in non-buraku communities, including of ‘self’ versus ‘other’. While international libraries, kindergartens, swimming pools, travel, trade and marriage have greatly health centres, aged persons’ homes, human reduced Japanese xenophobia, some Japanese rights centres, sports facilities and the like. In are still quick to accuse, avoid and discriminate addition, social welfare is available for the against those they identify or regard as needy. Sadly however, alcohol issues and ‘other’.[1] negative attitudes towards education are still over-represented and the buraku stigma This includes non-Japanese, especially Korean remains entrenched. Some residents still report and Chinese, Japanese children with mixed getting off buses one stop early so that work blood, the native Ainu from Hokkaido, the colleagues do not see them alight at the Okinawans and, of course, those believed to “buraku stop” and become suspicious.have buraku connections. While discrimination Furthermore, while very few Japanese are must always be condemned, Japan is hardly willing to discuss the matter, everyone knows if alone in its attitudes towards ‘other’. India’s there is a buraku in their own neighbourhood scheduled castes (‘untouchables’) have often and where the dividing line defining the been compared to the eta/hinin of Japan’s community is. Tokugawa period, while the Romanies (the former ‘gypsies’) of central Europe are still Alastair McLauchlan lived in a buraku in east widely feared and despised by some. Anti- Osaka while conducting the field-workSemitism remains extant in many European interviews for his Ph.D. and subsequent book communities, and the native peoples of published in 2003 by Edwin Mellen, NY. His countries such as Australia, New Zealand, novel Hell for Leather tells the story of Taka, a Canada and America are increasingly troubled buraku teenager and, although the demanding redress of their grievances over characters are fictional, the story draws on traditional land, language and culture. many hours of Japanese interviews recorded Moreover, Indian, Pakistani, African and West with

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