Dear Colleague The Weaponization of Title IX How a Federal Law Aimed at Equal Access to Education Organized the Campus Sex Police and Authorized Campus Bureaucrats To Create a New Gender Hierarchy Published October 28, 2020 Cover Design by Beck & Stone A report by the Interior Design by Chance Layton © 2020 National Association of Scholars 420 Madison Avenue, 7th Floor New York, NY 10017 Authored by Teresa R. Manning Director of Policy Published October 28, 2020 Cover Design by Beck & Stone Interior Design by Chance Layton © 2020 National Association of Scholars About the National Association of Scholars Mission The National Association of Scholars is an independent member- ship association of academics and others working to sustain the tradi- tion of reasoned scholarship and civil debate in America’s colleges and universities. We uphold the standards of a liberal arts education that fosters intellectual freedom, searches for the truth, and promotes vir- tuous citizenship. What We Do We publish a quarterly journal, Academic Questions, which examines the intellectual controversies and the institutional challenges of contem- porary higher education. We publish studies of current higher education policy and prac- tice with the aim of drawing attention to weaknesses and stimulating improvements. Our website presents educated opinion and commentary on higher education, and archives our research reports for public access. NAS engages in public advocacy to pass legislation to advance the cause of higher education reform. We file friend-of-the-court briefs in legal cases defending freedom of speech and conscience and the civil rights of educators and students. We give testimony before congressio- nal and legislative committees and engage public support for worthy reforms. NAS holds national and regional meetings that focus on important issues and public policy debates in higher education today. Membership NAS membership is open to all who share a commitment to its core principles of fostering intellectual freedom and academic excellence in American higher education. A large majority of our members are current and former faculty members. We also welcome graduate and undergraduate students, teachers, college administrators, and inde- pendent scholars, as well as non-academic citizens who care about the future of higher education. NAS members receive a subscription to our journal Academic Questions and access to a network of people who share a commitment to academic freedom and excellence. We offer opportunities to influence key aspects of contemporary higher education. Visit our website, www.nas.org, to learn more about NAS and to be- come a member. Our Recent Publications Corrupting the College Board. 2020 Critical Care. 2020. The Lost History of Western Civilization. 2020. Social Justice Education in America. 2019. Separate but Equal, Again: Neo-Segregation in American Higher Education. 2019. Beach Books 2010-2019. [NAS’s annual study of college common read- ing programs.] The Irreproducibility Crisis of Modern Science. 2018. Outsourced to China. 2017. Making Citizens. 2017. Cont ents 8 13 54 96 130 138 Cont ents Introduction Part I: Background Part II: Findings Part III: Discussion of Findings Part IV: Recommendations Appendix 8 Introduction and Acknowledgments ontroversy surrounding sex discrimination and sexual miscon- duct in higher education has existed now for over 50 years. This may have been inevitable in the wake of the sexual revolution Cand the women’s movement of the 1960s: Both challenged traditional sex roles and wanted change, forcing many to ask if these roles had devel- oped because of prejudicial notions that women were not capable of, or did not belong in, high level academic or professional work. Title IX, the federal law banning sex discrimination in schools re- ceiving federal funds, was a product of this moment and enjoyed con- siderable support when it was enacted in 1972, stating that “no person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from ... any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.” It was, simply put, an equal access law for education. At the same time, many single-sex schools were voluntarily “going co-ed,” which meant primarily that all-male institutions were deciding to admit females. Once this desegregation was underway, leaders had to address the question of how women might experience sex discrimination on cam- pus and how this could be prevented using Title IX. The most obvious instance of sex discrimination was the conditioning of a woman’s ad- vancement on sexual favors or what is now called the quid pro quo prop- osition. Very few dispute the noxious and discriminatory nature of such action. Shortly thereafter, however, the idea that a “hostile environment” could constitute sex discrimination advanced in the courts and else- where, creating an entirely new area of sex-based civil rights law that tried to define which type of environment was “hostile”—and therefore discriminatory—and which was not. 9 This Report examines the evolving understanding of sex discrim- ination in higher education over the years, as well as the mechanisms that developed to find and punish it with Title IX. The story is famil- iar to those in policy and law—called mission creep in the military, or overreach in administrative agencies. Slowly but surely those who were advocating more expansive definitions of hostile environment sex dis- crimination wrote these expansions into Education Department guid- ance documents directed at schools. They were also able to mandate the hiring of more numerous enforcement personnel in the campus Title IX office. The most notable such extension of Title IX came in 2011, when the Obama Education Department issued a Dear Colleague Letter stating that all sexual violence was a form of sex discrimination prohibited by Title IX. By this stroke of a pen, an educational equal access law was transformed into a campus sex crimes law. The transformation of the crime of sexual assault into a form of sex discrimination seems very odd. It is as if the government suddenly decided that attacking someone with a hammer should be treated as a form of slander, since it implies that the victim is a nail. The larger form of abuse is swallowed by the metaphorical extension. The reality is that sexual assault may sometimes be connected to what most people under- stand to be sex discrimination, but the combination is relatively rare. Sexual discrimination, in the form of denying women opportunities afforded to men, usually occurs outside any context of sexual assault, and vice versa. One has to engage in strenuous theoretical argument to construct a hypothetical bridge that turns every sexual assault into a form of sex discrimination. Once the Dear Colleague Letter was issued, the effort to build this hypothetical bridge simply stopped. It was assumed that the Office for Civil Rights in the Department of Education had done the job, and the hypothetical bridge was now open for heavy traffic. Title IX would henceforward be used to prosecute cases of sexual assault. 10 Suddenly the conflation of sexual assault with sex discrimination seemed unquestionable, and fighting sexual assault on campus became a top priority at the highest political level. Repeating the unsupported statistic that one in five women on campus has experienced sexual as- sault, President Obama promised, “If they [Congress] won’t act” to cor- rect this, “I will.” Few understood that “assault” had been redefined to include sexual relations that seemed consensual at the time but were later regretted. In short order, the campus Title IX office felt entitled to involve itself in any imperfect student sexual encounter; that is, it be- came the campus sex police. Responding to the political moment and to show they were tough on sexual assault, Title IX proceedings became skewed to find guilt by skimping on basic due process protections for those accused of sexu- al misconduct (protections such as the presumption of innocence, the right to respond to accusations, and the right to confront one’s accuser). Wrongly accused students, mostly male, then began taking their schools to court, successfully claiming due process violations or breaches of stu- dent conduct code guarantees of fairness by Title IX kangaroo courts. As with other instances of overreach, this extension did not simply happen. Campus culture, heavily influenced by feminism, has long been hostile to conventional dating and traditional sex roles. It saw in Title IX a useful means to scrutinize and reshape social mores: current Title IX offices now hardly ever mention “discrimination” or equal access to education. Attention is instead focused on sexual misconduct, sexual politics, and re-education. This Report starts with the background of Title IX—why it was en- acted and how it was first implemented—and then shares findings from six campus visits and surveys made during the 2019-2020 academic year. It presents conversations with Title IX administrators and staff as well as with students, and it analyzes current university policies and practices to see what Title IX means in operation. Research for this Report was carried out at the very same time that the Trump Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights (“OCR”) 11 began to review and revise federal Title IX policy. The Report therefore describes this initiative and the new Title IX regulations promulgated by Education Secretary Elisabeth DeVos, as well as subsequent court challenges to them. The Report ends with a discussion of findings and recommendations for the future. Not discussed is the “Me Too” movement of recent years where- by female professionals—especially in journalism, government, and Hollywood—have reported sexual misconduct by male colleagues, often their superiors or by those in a position to make or break their careers. The case of film mogul Harvey Weinstein is probably the most well- known, but the list of those accused is long and the impact of such ac- cusations cannot be overstated (most of the accused men have lost their jobs or worse).