TRUMAN ▪ INDEX IVAN VANEEV Founder, Managing Partner, TRUMAN Agency Trust. That’s what Ukraine is missing, both from its citizens and often from its foreign partners. I’m writing this foreword for the 9th issue of the TRUMAN Index two weeks after martial law came to an end in Ukraine. I remember what people were writing and saying when the Decree instituting it came into effect: the president will extend it, the election will be postponed, and Poroshenko will become a military dictator. Yet martial law ended while Ukraine made it very clear that the situation in the Azov Sea was a real threat. The country’s partners in the US, EU and NATO seem to have taken this signal seriously. The lack of trust is a fundamental loss. And the Poroshenko Administration is feeling it right now, when it’s most urgent and logical actions keep getting knocked down at home. It seems like, no matter what it does, it will not be trusted. Now, imagine for a minute that Poroshenko did not sign the Decree on martial law. What would experts and observers have said then? The president underestimates the threat, he’s not decisive enough, and he’s weak. And how would Ukraine’s allies have responded if Ukraine itself wasn’t prepared to respond uncompromisingly is a rhetorical question. Obviously, they trusted the administration’s actions in instituting martial law more than Ukrainians themselves. Ukrainians are lucky that some people in the world who are anything but indifferent are building up an infrastructure of trust around Ukraine. Thanks to this, Ukrainians can count on support and help from allies, and, as a result, on trust in the administration’s actions at home. One-time US Ambassador to Russia, a person who was once the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security and Deputy Secretary General of NATO Alexander Vershbow, is one of those who understands very well what has befallen Ukraine and how to get out of this situation. I’d like to thank Mr. Ambassador for his introductory words to our journal. They offer not just an example of trust but also an assessment of our reputation. Trust is very costly but the price is worth it when it becomes the foundation of your reputation. 2 TRUMAN ▪ INDEX ALEXANDER VERSHBOW US Ambassador Distinguished Fellow, The Atlantic Council of the United States It is my pleasure to welcome readers to the first issue of the TRUMAN Index for 2019. The TRUMAN Index is an invaluable tool for scholars and policymakers alike, providing a comprehensive account of recent developments in Ukraine’s relations with the European Union, the United States, NATO, Russia and China. The final weeks of 2018 witnessed dramatic and potentially ominous events in the Black Sea and Kerch Strait. On November 25, 2018, Russia mounted an illegal blockade and closure of the Kerch Strait, and illegally attacked and seized three Ukrainian ships, in clear violation of international law and bilateral Ukrainian-Russian agreements. Unlike Russia’s 2014 illegal annexation of Crimea and its undeclared war in Eastern Ukraine, this was not an ambiguous, deniable attack by “little green men” without insignias: it was a direct act of aggression by Russia’s navy and security services against a sovereign state that was acting within its rights in the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, whose waters are shared by Russia and Ukraine. These actions can only be seen as premeditated, with the aim of destabilizing Ukraine in the run-up to the country’s 2019 elections and crippling its economy. The United States and European Union condemned these actions rhetorically, and demanded the return of the ships and sailors detained by Russia. But they have been hesitant to carry out any specific measures in response. If November’s events bring little more than a slap on the wrist, Russian President Vladimir Putin will see this as a green light for further escalation, to include a full blockade or even the illegal annexation of the Azov Sea, as well as new offensives in Eastern Ukraine. The November 25 attacks were not a one-off event. Russia was intensifying pressure on Ukraine over the summer and fall of 2018 in small steps, similar to what took place with Moscow’s creeping aggression against Georgia in the spring and summer of 2008. This may be based on the hope that each small step will be met with nothing more than political protests by the West. Other Russian actions look ominous in retrospect. All through 2018, there were incessant artillery and rocket attacks by Russian-led forces on Ukrainian military and civilian targets along the line of contact with occupied Donbas. Russia interfered with international shipping to and from Ukraine’s Azov Sea ports of Mariupol and Berdiansk throughout the summer, inflicting significant losses on the local and national TRUMAN ▪ INDEX 3 economy. The Kremlin imposed sweeping sanctions on Ukrainian companies and pro-Western business leaders in early November. The Russians also allowed the holding of elections in mid-November in the occupied portions of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts, in flagrant violation of the 2015 Minsk agreements. Moscow seems determined to make it look like Ukraine is a failed state that cannot defend its own borders—in the hope of bringing a more malleable leader to power in Kyiv in the 2019 election and reversing Ukraine’s rapprochement with the European Union and NATO. Ukraine’s sovereignty and its aspirations for a European future are clearly very much on the line—as is the credibility of the West’s commitment to an international order based on the rule of law rather than the law of the jungle. Rhetorical condemnation by the United States and the European Union is necessary, but not sufficient. The US and its European allies need to impose real costs on Russia if it doesn’t reverse course, including tighter economic sanctions on Russian shipping companies, banks and individual Putin cronies involved in trade with illegally occupied portions of Ukraine. The US and its allies should also expand NATO’s naval presence in the Black Sea to demonstrate support for Ukraine and for freedom of navigation in international waters, which is being challenged by Russia’s actions. The United States and its allies should consider increased support to the Ukrainian Navy as well, including the provision of coastal defense systems for deployment along the Azov Sea coast. Without such measures, Russia will believe it can continue to escalate with impunity—today against Ukraine, tomorrow against the West. TRUMAN ▪ INDEX TRUMAN INDEX +0,36 1,58 +0,25 2,2 -1,36 -4,56 -0,02 -0,67 +1,22 +1,58 +0,36 +1,95 +2,2 +0,25 +0,69 +0,67 -0,02 -4,56 -3,2 -1,36 -3,5 -3,0 -2,5 -2,0 -1,5 -1,0 -0,5 0 +0,5 +1,0 +1,5 +2,0 +2,5 +3,0 +3,5 USA JULY – SEPT, 2018. OCT – DEC, 2018. EU JULY – SEPT, 2018. OCT – DEC, 2018. CHINA JULY – SEPT, 2018. OCT – DEC, 2018. RUSSIA JULY – SEPT, 2018. OCT – DEC, 2018. TRUMAN ▪ INDEX 5 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY EVENT EVALUATION SCALE: TRUMAN Index is a quantitative and qualitative assessment of Economic and political integration, the Ukraine’s progress in bilateral relations with key foreign policy ■ 7-10 coming into force of agreements on directions: the EU, the US, China and Russia. This quarterly journal deeper cooperation tracks the changing dynamics of these four relationships. Every 6 months we also monitor the progress of Ukraine-NATO relations. ■ 4-6 The signing or ratification of an Our analytical articles are written by specialists based on their own agreement – on cooperation, on trade, observations and on many discussions with domestic and foreign on tariffs, on integration, and so on, – the diplomats, opinion leaders and officials. opening of credit lines and economic assistance TRUMAN Index monitors events in Ukraine’s foreign relations with ■ An official visit at the ministerial level each of these countries and offers an analysis of the way that each 1-3 or higher, especially related to key of these partners has been interacting with Ukraine during the ministries: foreign affairs, internal reported period. affairs, defense, economy, and trade; negotiations over potential agreements, In addition to analyzing the quality of relations, every bilateral event is official visits at the highest level – evaluated on a scale from -10 to +10. The total points for foreign policy president, PM – from both sides; high in the given area is the sum of the values assigned to these bilaterally level official telephone calls (primarily significant events during that quarter. The expert group takes BISS[1] presidential) methodology as its basis, which offers a clear scale for evaluating Positive statements from key politicians in foreign policy events. ■ 1-2 these countries, from the MFA regarding foreign policy, in legislative resolutions ■ 1 Official visits at the deputy minister level from non-key ministries, parliamentary delegations, exhibitions, business forums, national culture days, important diplomatic contacts and negotiations ■ -1-2 Negative announcements from key politicians, from MFAs regarding foreign policy, in legislative resolutions The total points in a given foreign policy direction are divided by the number of events recorded during the quarter: this constitutes ■ -2-4 Delays in ratifying agreements, not being the TRUMAN Index. This approach minimizes the methodological invited to events, failure of support to risk that one partner will accumulate more points simply thanks to come from the international community a large number of less significant events during a given quarter. A ■ -3 Violations of agreements or mutual different quarter might result in lower points because of fewer, but commitments more significant than average, events.