INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the teX! direct1y from the original or copy submitted. Thus, sorne thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type ofcomputer printer. The quality ofthis reproduction is dependent upon the quality ofthe copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper aligmnent can adversely affect reproduction. In the unIikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. AIso, if unauthorized copyright material had to be rernoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by seetioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographie prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, ADn Arbor MI 48106·1346 USA 3131761-4700 800f521~600 • AUTHORlTARlANISM, CONSTITUTIONALISM AND THE SPECIAL COUNCIL OF LOWERCANADA, 1838-1841. Steven Watt McGilI University, Montreal. July, 1997. A thesis submitted to the Faculty ofGraduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment ofthe requirements ofthe degree ofMaster ofArts. © Steven Watt, 1997. • National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1 A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 canada canada Your file Vorre rèference Our file NOllfl rèfBlencs The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library ofCanada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, lom., distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies ofthis thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership ofthe L'auteur conselVe la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son penmSSlon. autorisation. Q-612-37243-X Canada • CONTENTS Abbreviations 3 Abstract 4 Acknowledgments 5 Introduction 6 Chapter 1 - Authoritarianism 18 Chapter 2 - Constitutionalism 55 Chapter 3 - Alienation 96 Conclusion - Reconstruction Reconsidered 138 Bibliography 143 • • ABBREVIATIONS USED IN FOOTNOTES DCB Dictionary ofCanadian Biography JSCLC Journals ofthe Special Council ofLower Canada OSCLC Ordinances ofthe Special Council ofLower Canada MMA McCord Museum Archives MCA Montreal Constitutional Association NAC National Archives ofCanada QCA Quebec Constitutional Association • • ABSTRACT Following the 1837 Rebellion in Lower Canada, British authorities suspended the province's constitution. From April 1838 until February 1841, legislative power was vested in an appointed Special Council. This was a authoritarian institution, designed to facilitate the passage ofa single legislative agenda, and not to act as a forum for debate. Even ifthe creation ofthe council marked a moment ofimperial intervention, the changes imposed by the council were largely those envisioned bya Lower Canadian political movement, the Montreal Constitutional Association. As time went on, the Special Council's membership, powers and legislation increasingly reflected Constitutionalist values. However, not aH Special CounciIJors shared the Constitutionalists' goals. Men Iike Pierre de Rocheblave and John Neilson consequently found themselves alienated from the council and its work. But those who opposed the Constitutionalists found themselves powerless to alter the course ofevents. In the end, the authoritarian nature ofthe Special Council meant that only one vision ofthe province's future could be put forward in the institution's legislation. RÉsUMÉ Après la rébellion de 1837 au Bas-Canada, le gouvernement britannique suspend la constitution de la province. Un Conseil spécial, dont les membres sont nommés par le gouverneur, est créé afin de se charger de la législature du Bas-Canada durant trois ans, soit d'avril 1838 à février 1841. Cette institution est despotique puisqu'elle n'est pas une lieu de débat ce qui facilite l'adoption d'un seul programme législatif. Même si la création du Conseil spécial constitue une intervention impériale dans les affaires bas-canadiennes, les changements qu'il apporte sont conçus par un mouvement politique bas-canadien, voire le Montreal Constitutional Association. Les allégeances membres, les pouvoirs et la législation du Conseil spécial reflètent de plus en plus leurs valeurs de cet association. Les membres du Conseil spécial qui s'opposent aux intérêts du Montreal Constitutional Association, tels Pierre de Rocheblave et John Neilson, sont périodiquement écartés de leur pouvoir. Malgré lescontestations de ces derniers, le despotisme du Conseil spécial restreint les législateurs qu'à ne considérer qu'une seule vision de l'avenir de la province. • • AcKNOWLEDGMENTS [ would like to express my heartfelt thanks to aIl those who helped me, either directly or indirectly, in the completion ofthis thesis. The staffofthe National Archives ofCanada in Ottawa, the Bibliothèque Nationale du Québec in Montreal, and the inter-library loan service at McGill's McLennan Library were always helpful and efficient. Pamela Miller and Suzanne Morin at the McCord Museum archives, and Judith Berlin at Château Ramezay Museum were aIways ready to accommodate me, no matter how short the notice. As my advisor, Brian Young gave me just the right balance offreedom and good advice. Jarrett Rudy agreed to be subjected to my tirst draft, and gave me a sIew ofinvaluable suggestions. René Guindon helped me with sorne last-minute revisions on extremely short notice. Ovec the last several years, my family has consistently supported me, both financially and emotionaHy, in my studies. Last but certainly not least, Andrée MacMillan has put up with my stress and mood swings over the last year, especially during the latter part when [ tinally realized that [ would have to actually get around to writing a thesis. And after ail that, she even agreed to proofread. • INTRODUCTION • Legislative institutions were at the centre ofthe turmoil which marked Lower Canadian politics in the years leading up to the events of 1837 and 1838. Histories ofthe Rebellions inevitably focus on the Patriot party's rise to power through its control ofthe Legislative Assembly. The 92 Resolutions of 1834. voted on by the Lower Canadian assembly, became the manifesto ofthe Patriot party. Meanwhile, the Patriots' demand that the Legislative Council be made elective was a major bone ofcontention, while the defense ofthe appointed body was a important rallying point for anti-Patriot forces. The British Government's response to the Patriot demands - RusseIl's 10 Resolutions of 1837 - was approved by the Imperial Parliament and also marked a pivotaI moment in Lower Canadian poIitical history. By the summer of 1837, Lower Canada was in a state ofcomplete political deadlock, a fact symbolized by the final meeting ofthe province's legislature. No legislation was passed during the session, which was quickly prorogued by a frustrated Lord Gosford. Ultimately, following the Rebellions of 1837-38, the ·cure' chosen by British authorities for Lower Canada's poIitical ilIs was to create a single legislature for Upper and Lower Canada. However, before union became a reality, Lower Canada was subjected to three years of what can easily be described as authoritarianism. An appointed legislature known as the Special Council ofLower Canada was given the power to make laws for the province from April 1838 until early February 1841. Six sessions ofthe Special Council were held under three different British governors, namely Sir John Colborne, Lord Durham, and Charles Poulett Thomson.[ Although at least 44 individuals were appointed to the council, sorne never took their seats and no more than 26 attended at any particular session. In any case, they were aIl chosen by the governor, suggesting that agreement on major issues was virtually guaranteed. This predictabiLity would make an institutional study ofthe Special Council seem a less-than­ interesting proposition. A more promising course ofstudy would be to look at the significance and etfect ofthe counciI's legislation on Lower Canada. After a1l, the period 1838-41 is one where historians have perceived a fundamental transformation ofthe the Lower Canadian state, and the Iegislation ofthe Special Council has been recognized as playing an important role in this IAlthough Colbome was made Lord Seaton in 1839, and Thomson was made Lord Sydenham in 1840, for the sake of uniformity 1will refer te them both by their surnames throughout • this