NOTES Notes to Chapter One 1 Th e narrowest part of the Taiwan Strait is just about 130 kilometres wide. Chen Cheng- hsiang 陳正祥, T’ai-Wan ti chih 臺灣地誌 [A Geography of Taiwan], 3 vols. (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1993), I, 60. 2 In the Chinese literature, several place names such as Yi-shu (夷州), Liu-ch’iu (琉求、 瑠求) refer to Taiwan since the third century. Ts’ao Yung-ho 曹永和, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu 臺灣早期歷史研究 [Researches on Taiwan’s Early History] (Taipei: Lien- ching, 1979), 71–156; Laurence G. Th ompson, ‘Th e Earliest Chinese Eyewitness Accounts of the Formosan Aborigines’, Monumenta Serica, 23 (1964), 163–204 at 163–9. According to François Valentijn, the author of the encyclopaedic work ‘Oud en Nieuw-Oost-Indiën (1724–1726), the natives called the island Pakan or Pak-ande (namely ‘Pakan Island’ in Fukienese dialect) and the Chinese Tai Liu-kiu (Great Liu-kiu). Formosa under the Dutch: Described from Contemporary Sources with Explanatory Notes and a Bibliography of the Island, ed. W. M. Campbell (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1992[1903]), 1. 3 According to Tao I Chih Lüeh 島夷志略 [Brief accounts of the island barbarians] in 1349, the Eastern Ocean Route (東洋針路) started from Taiwan. Ts’ao suggests that fi sher- men were the fi rst Chinese to trade with the Formosans during their visits to Formosa. Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 9–12, 39, 113–23. 4 Th e spelling of Tamsuy and Quelang follows those of the archives. Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 164–5. For more details about Paccan, see: Chen Tsung-jen 陳宗仁,‘ “Pei-kang” yü “Pacan” ti ming k’ao shih: chien lun shih liu, shih ch’i shih chi chih chi T’ai-Wan hsi nan hai yü mao I ch’ing shih te pien ch’ien’ [北港] 與 [Pacan] 地名考釋： 兼論十六、十七世紀之際台灣西南海域貿易情勢的變遷 [Th e Origin and Develop- ment of Pacan: A Case Study in Taiwan’s Commercial History], 漢學研究/Chinese Studies, 21/2 (2003), 249–77. Paccan was also a term for the whole island in the early 1620s. Th e Formosan Encounter—Notes on Formosa’s Aboriginal Society: A Selection of Documents from Dutch Archival Sources, 3 vols, I: 1623–1635, ed. Leonard Blussé, Natalie Everts and Evelien Frech; II: 1636–1645 and III: 1646–1654, ed. Leonard Blussé and Natalie Everts (Taipei: Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines, 1999, 2000, 2006), I, 43–4; Kees Zandvliet, Shih ch’i shih chi Ho-lan jen hui chih te Tai-wan lao ti t’u 十七世紀荷蘭人繪製的臺灣 老地圖上、下冊 [Th e Old Maps of Taiwan by the Dutch in the Seventeenth Century, 2 vols.], tr. Chiang Shu-sheng 江樹生, 漢聲雜誌 /Echo Magazine, 105/106 (1997), I, 17 [Hereafter: Tai-wan lao ti t’u]. 5 Between 1520 and 1810, China underwent an upsurge in armed maritime trade or piracy along the southern coast of China from Chekiang Province to Hainan Island. Th e rebel-pirates of the Ming-Ch’ing transition, the second great pirate cycle after 1620, fi nally put an end to the Dutch occupation of Formosa. Robert Antony, ‘Piracy in Early Modern China’, IIAS Newsletter, 36 (2005), 7; Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 162–5. For the Japanese piracy, see: Patrizia Carioti, ‘Diplomacy, Piracy and Commerce in the Eastern Seas: Th e Double Standards of the K’an-ho Trading System in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, in Leonard Blussé (ed.), Around and About Formosa: Essays in Honor of Professor Ts’ao Yung-ho (Taipei: Ts’ao Yung-ho Foundation for Culture and Education, 2003), 5–14. 6 Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 47–8, 298–300. 234 NOTES 7 In 1602, the VOC won the exclusive privilege from the States-General of the Dutch Republic to trade east of the Cape of Good Hope and west of the Straits of Magellan. Th e Company was empowered to conclude peace treaties, to wage war, and to build fortresses in this part of the world. Th is franchise laid the foundations for the economic-political expansion of the VOC in Asia during the next two hundred years. C. R. Boxer, Th e Dutch Seaborne Empire 1600–1800 (London etc.: Penguin Books, 1965[1990]); Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 29–30; Jonathan I. Israel, Th e Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall 1477–1806 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 318–27; Femme S. Gaastra, De Geschie- denis van de VOC (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2002), 20; id., Th e Dutch East India Company: Expansion and Decline (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003). 8 Tayouan was also called Lamang in the early 1620s, but after that Tayouan became the usual name. For the name Lamang, see: De Nederlanders in China, eerste deel: De eerste bemoeiingen om den handel in China en de Vestiging in de Pescadores 1601–1624, ed. W. P. Groeneveldt (’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff , 1898), 317; Spaniards in Taiwan, 2 vols., I: 1582–1641, II: 1642–1682, ed. José Eugenio Borao Mateo (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 2001, 2002), I, 48. On ports of trade and Asian port cities, see: Karl Polanyi, ‘Ports of Trade in Early Societ- ies’, Th e Journal of Economic History, 23/1 (1963), 30–45; Frank Broeze (ed.), Brides of the Sea: Port Cities of Asia from the 16th–20th Centuries (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989). Tayouan as a port city, see: J. L. Oosterhoff , ‘Zeelandia; A Dutch Colonial City on Formosa, 1624–1662’, in Robert J. Ross and Gerard J. Telkamp (eds.), Colonial Cities: Essays on Urbanism in a Colonial Context (Dordrecht etc.: Martinus Nijhoff , 1985), 51–63. 9 Th is classifi cation was in the general order for 1650, according to the great diff erences in size, economic importance, and political status of the establishments. Femme S. Gaastra, ‘Th e Organization of the VOC’ in Th e Archives of the Dutch East India Company (1602–1795), ed. R. Raben and H. Spijkerman, M. A. P. Meilink-Roelofsz (inventaris) (’s-Gravenhage: Sdu Uitgeverij, 1992), 1–29; Gaastra, De Geschiedenis van de VOC, 70. 10 Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 51; Leonard Blussé, Tribuut aan China: Vier eeuwen Nederlands-Chinese betrekkingen (Amsterdam: Otto Cramwinckel, 1989), 43–4. 11 Nakamura Takashi 中村孝志, Ho-lan shih tai T’ai-Wan shih yen chiu shang chüan: kai shuo, ch’an yeh 荷蘭時代台灣史研究上卷：概說、產業 [Studies on Dutch Formosa, I: General Studies and Industries], ed. Wu Mi-cha 吳密察 and Ang Kaim 翁佳音 (Taipei: Tao-hsiang, 1997), 341. 12 Ts’ao, T’ai-wan tsao ch’i li shih yen chiu, 6. 13 Leonard Blussé, Strange Company: Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht: Foris, 1986), 78–80. 14 For the number of Chinese, see: Nakamura, Ho-lan shih tai T’ai-Wan shih yen chiu shang chüan, 286. In 1646, it was estimated that the total population of the Formosans was beneath 100,000, including those living in the mountains. In 1654, the total number of the indigenous population under VOC rule was estimated at about 50,000 people. Formosan Encounter, III, 141, 505. 15 In his conceptualization of ‘colonial project’, Nicholas Th omas stresses the importance of innovation in the character of the project. Nicholas Th omas, Colonialism’s Culture: Anthro- pology, Travel and Government (Cambridge: Polity, 1994), 105. Th is point is related to the colonizers’ experiment in this period of Taiwan’s history. See the discussion in the section ‘Representing Formosan agency’. 16 Formosan Encounter, I, p. x; John R. Shepherd, Statecraft and Political Economy on the Taiwan Frontier 1600–1800 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 38–9. Th is can be observed from Dutch village censuses and the yearly meetings of the Landdag. 17 ‘Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples’ offi cially consist of twelve major indigenous peoples in Taiwan: the Amis (阿美族), Atayal (泰雅族), Bunun (布農族), Kavalan (噶瑪蘭族), Paiwan (排灣族), Puyuma or Punuyumayan (卑南族), Rukai (魯凱族), Saisiyat (賽夏.