John Carroll University Carroll Collected Masters Essays Theses, Essays, and Senior Honors Projects 2018 WHAT HAPPENED TO FEMINISM?: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF FEMINISM IN IRELAND AND GREAT BRITAIN FROM 1919-1939 Emily Uterhark John Carroll University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://collected.jcu.edu/mastersessays Part of the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Uterhark, Emily, "WHAT HAPPENED TO FEMINISM?: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF FEMINISM IN IRELAND AND GREAT BRITAIN FROM 1919-1939" (2018). Masters Essays. 96. https://collected.jcu.edu/mastersessays/96 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Essays, and Senior Honors Projects at Carroll Collected. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Essays by an authorized administrator of Carroll Collected. For more information, please contact [email protected]. From 1919-1939, the feminist movements, including those of Britain and Ireland, saw a decrease in activity and level of success to differing degrees. Many scholars, such as T.W. Moody and Diarmaid Ferriter, in the past have argued that this is due to the fact that some British and Irish women received limited suffrage in 1918.1 Previous historiographical works that discuss the interwar period tend not to discuss this major political movement or they group all feminist movements together. There is a focus on the “Roaring 20s,” flappers, and new social conventions, and there is a misconception that all western countries experienced the same movement. This is not the case at all. Each feminist movement is dependent on the context of its nation, as is every other political and social movement. After the parliamentary act that granted limited suffrage, the feminist movements and the status of women in Britain and Ireland took divergent paths due to the uneven developments in those two countries after the First World War. This divergent path can be clearly seen in the careers of three feminists. Vera Brittain, an English feminist, experienced greater success within England and internationally than her Irish counterparts Louie Bennett and Hanna Sheehy Skeffington. Brittain is still relatively well-known today, while Bennett and Sheehy Skeffington are usually discussed only in Irish feminist histories and are often left out of major historiographical texts. Brittain aided in some legislative success, while Bennett and Sheehy Skeffington were thwarted of such success on several 1 British and Irish women had to be over the age of 30 and property owners in order to be qualified to vote. 1 occasions. This difference in outcome was not due to drastic changes in their respective agendas as feminists, but rather due to their national contexts. The nation-building that occurred in Ireland during the 20th century permanently caused the divergent paths of the two feminist movements. In Great Britain, social constraints for women slowly loosened throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The opposite occurred in Ireland, where due to the political and social views of those in charge of developing the new nation, conservatism was adopted, which is a common occurrence in new nations after a major revolution. This conservatism was brought about by the revolutionaries’ vision of a Romantic agrarian Ireland that was untouched by Great Britain and by the growing influence of the Catholic Church on the social policies of the new Irish country. The feminists of Ireland were greatly affected by this development. The agenda they were fighting for did not match the popular vision of the new Irish government. The government and the Catholic Church supported keeping women in the private sphere, while women like Bennett and Sheehy Skeffington were fighting for women’s place in the public sphere. Due to this difference the feminists were often treated with hostility. The values of these feminists were squashed in favor of the values of the new Irish state. While Ireland was nation- building, Great Britain was dealing with the fallout of First World War. Despite the destruction and trauma the people of Great Britain suffered, the British government was still transitioning smoothly between Conservative and Labour governments. Due to this context, Brittain still experienced opposition to her viewpoints but was able to gain some success. Bennett and Sheehy Skeffington 2 faced an extremely strong opposition that was in control of the entire government, which caused them to be less successful politically than Brittain. Brittain, Bennett, and Sheehy Skeffington do not represent the views of all British and Irish women at the time. However, they can serve as a means to evaluate the various feminist issues of the time and how the issues were dealt with in Ireland and Great Britain. They allow for a comparative study because they were all affected by the same suffrage policy from 1918 and held many similar beliefs in reference to feminism. Louie Bennett and Hanna Sheehy Skeffington experienced less long-term political success than Vera Brittain. Despite their shared ideology and political, economic, and social agendas, these women experienced different successes and failures. This research differs from previous work done by scholars of early 20th- century Britain and Ireland, including Irish feminist historians, such as Margaret Ward. Other Irish historians such as, Moody, Ferriter, and R.F. Foster, have stated in some form that the feminist movements in Britain and Ireland lost traction and began to fail because limited suffrage was given. I would be arguing against that notion. The issue was more complex than that, and the feminist movements did not disintegrate due to this new suffrage, but rather changed shape to focus on other issues. The previous arguments fail to acknowledge that, like other movements, the feminist movements occurred in a historical context that could help explain the trends of campaigns, why certain issues were the focus, and why others were ignored. 3 Even Margaret Ward, a prominent Irish feminist historian, sometimes focuses solely on the inner workings of the Irish feminist movement and forgets to place them within the political context of the time. She will allude to other events, such as the World Wars and major policy changes that affected Irish women, but she does not connect the feminist movement in detail to other events within Ireland, such as the War of Independence and the new Irish Free State. This paper would demonstrate that Brittain, Bennett, and Sheehy Skeffington experienced different levels of success that were not due to extensive internal problems or ideological differences within feminism, but rather to each country’s political context. This would place an aspect of the feminist movements of Britain and Ireland within a greater historical context that has been lacking in past scholarly work. It is necessary to establish the definition of feminism that will be used throughout this paper and to establish the type of feminisms that Bennett, Sheehy Skeffington and Brittain practiced. Karen Offen has created an excellent cohesive definition: A feminist, therefore, is one who: ‘advocate(s) the elimination of that injustice by challenging through efforts to alter prevailing ideas and/or social institutions and practices, the coercive power, force, or authority that upholds male prerogatives in that particular culture. Thus, to be a feminist is necessarily to be at odds with male-dominated culture and society.’2 2 Quoted in Margaret Ward. "Nationalism, Pacifism, Internationalism: Louie Bennett, Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington, and the Problems of "Defining Feminism"." In Gender and Sexuality in 4 This definition is broad enough to serve the purpose of this paper, as well as the fact that it includes the concept that this notion will change based upon individual cultures. There is no one type of feminism, a concept that is often left out of scholarship when discussing the feminists from 1919-1939, such as our three feminists. Ward, due to her background as an Irish historian, breaks down feminism into two types; “nationalist feminist” and “essentialist feminism.”3 “Nationalist feminism” “emphasizes the centrality of the colonial relationship and links the struggle for women’s emancipation to the movement for national liberation.”4 According to Ward, “essentialist feminism” emphasizes what it considers the essential qualities of feminism, to the exclusion of external political issues.”5 According to Ward, this feminism needs to operate not within political parties or other political struggles but must chart its own course at times. There is a lack of militancy within “essentialist feminism” that is almost required in “nationalist feminism.” Bennett was a staunch conservative feminist and pacifist who focused upon women labor issues within Ireland. In this instance, Bennett, according to Ward, is the “essentialist feminist” due to her wish to stay out of other areas of politics and focus upon women’s labor rights. Sheehy Skeffington was a nationalistic feminist who pushed for a liberal feminist agenda in the political Modern Ireland, edited by Anthony Bradley, & Maryann Gianlanella Valiulis, 60-84. (Amherst, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 1997), 60. 3 Margaret Ward. "Nationalism, Pacifism, Internationalism: Louie Bennett, Hanna Sheehy- Skeffington, and the Problems of "Defining Feminism," 61. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 5 arena while also supporting Sinn Fein during the early 20th century. Sheehy Skeffington was constantly trying to combine her republican sentiments with her feminist beliefs. She hoped that the new Irish republic would include freedom from British oppression and gender equality. In an article in 1921 Sheehy Skeffington wrote, The women of Ireland have been peculiarly the guardians of the soul of Ireland and the torch-bearers in each generation to pass on her spiritual light undimmed through ages of oppression and misrule. It will be for women’s hands free and unshackled to build up our new state to make it truly progressive.6 This passage is a prime example of how Sheehy Skeffington combined her nationalism and feminism.