Mainstream Journalism and Nuclear Energy in Turkey: The case of Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant Umut Görkem Yücesoy Master’s Thesis University of Helsinki Faculty of Social Sciences Media and Communication Studies December 2019 Abstract The purpose of this study is to explore how the disputes regarding the project of Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant took place in Turkish mainstream newspapers. The challenges of journalism and media ownership structure in Turkey are discussed as well as the coverage of nuclear energy in newspapers around the world. Based on a set of key events, 4 different periods between 2010 and 2015 are determined for researching 3 of the most read newspapers in Turkey: Hürriyet, Milliyet, and Sabah. The main research question is: How do the Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the support for and the opposition towards Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant?” The accompanying sub-questions are: What are the frames that can be revealed? Which sources are mentioned the most? To what extent the attention is drawn towards regional discontent and legal disputes about the project? The data is collected by using the online platforms of the 3 newspapers by entering the keyword “akkuyu” and selecting the news articles based on the 4 periods. Frame analysis is conducted to answer the questions. As a result, it is found out that the emerging frames are related to the concepts of safety, democracy, legality, economy, practicality, and international relations. The formation of 7 frames is observed: Safety threat, economic threat, abuse of power, incompetent management, all of which are used by the opposition; and international prestige, economic opportunity, and competent management, all of which are used by the support. Hürriyet and Milliyet made both the frames and the sources of opposition more visible compared to the support, and Sabah made the frames and the sources of support overwhelmingly visible compared to the opposition in its overall coverage. The most visible opposition in Hürriyet and Milliyet consists of non-parliamentary groups, and the most visible support in all 3 newspapers consists of ruling party members. The discontent and legal disputes about the project are emphasized in Hürriyet and Milliyet, mainly through quoting the opposition, however, neither of them provided independent investigative reports. Table Of Contents 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Purpose of the study 4 1.2 Structure of This Research 6 2. Media System, Ownership and Regulations in Turkey: The State and Corporations (1950s - 2010s) 7 2.1. Failure of Democratization in Turkish Journalism: A Brief Look at History 7 2.2. The AKP Period (2000s and 2010s) 9 2.3. Owners’ relations with Erdogan, scandals, leaked tapes, and company handovers 11 2.3.1. Sabah 11 2.3.3. Milliyet 13 2.3.4. Hürriyet 14 3. Literature Review 17 3.1. Coverage of nuclear energy in the news 17 4. Methodology 23 4.1. Framing and Mass Media 23 4.2. Data Collection 25 4.3. Research Design : Identifying Frames and Conducting Frame Analysis 26 4.5. Coding the Sub-Components : Topic, Actor, Quotation, and Quotation Summary 29 4.5.1 Topic 29 4.5.2. Actor, quotation, and quotation summary 30 4.6. Validity and Ethics 31 4.6.1. Framing by the audiences: Why it is important and why it is not a part of this research 32 5. Results 34 5.1. 12 May 2010 - 31 July 2010 34 5.2. 11 March 2011 - 31 July 2011 36 5.3 1 January 2014 - 28 February 2014 39 5.4. 1 December 2014 - 31 January 2015 41 6. Data Analysis 44 6.1. 12 May 2010 - 31 July 2010 45 6.2. 11 March 2011 - 31 July 2011 48 6.3. 1 January 2014 - 28 February 2014 51 6.4 1 December 2014 - 31 January 2015 52 6.5 Revealing Frames, Answering Research Questions and Evaluating Hypotheses 53 7. Discussion 57 7.1. Limitations of the Study 59 7.2. Suggestions for Further Research 60 References 61 ​ List of Abbreviations AKP: Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) CEO: Chief Executive Officer EIA: Energy Impact Assessment EMO: Elektrik Mühendisleri Odası (Chamber of Electrical Engineers) ENV. AND URB.: Environment and Urbanization MP: Member of Parliament NGO: Non-Governmental Organisation NKP: Nükleer Karşıtı Platform (Anti-Nuclear Platform) NPP: Nuclear Power Plant RUS: Russia RTÜK: Radyo ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu (Radio and Television Supreme Council) TAEK: Türkiye Atom Enerjisi Kurumu (Turkish Atomic Energy Authority) TEMA: Türkiye Erozyonla Mücadele, Ağaçlandırma ve Doğal Varlıkları Koruma Vakfı (Turkish Foundation for Combating Soil Erosion, for Reforestation and the Protection of Natural Habitats) TMMOB: Türk Mühendis ve Mimar Odaları Birliği (Union of Chambers of Turkish Architects and Engineers) TMSF: Tasarruf Mevduatı Sigorta Fonu (Savings and Deposit Insurance Fund of Turkey) TRT: Türk Radyo ve Televizyon Kurumu (Turkish Radio and Television Corporation) TUR: Turkey UK: United Kingdom 1. Introduction The debate of nuclear energy is not likely to diminish any time soon around the world. In the case of Turkey, supporters of nuclear energy mainly argue that it is the fastest and most efficient way for obtaining energy to keep up with the energy demands, that it is good for a cleaner economic growth - especially for developing countries - and that the risks of accident are miniscule; meanwhile the opponents of nuclear energy argue that the consequences of an accident are not worth the risk, the problem of nuclear waste is not solved, and safety is more important than rapid economic growth (Udum, 2010; Akyüz, 2017). As can be witnessed from the fact that around the world 50 nuclear power plants are currently under construction,1 many nations pass legislations to build more Nuclear Power Plants, and their argument for legitimization largely stem from meeting the energy demands in a cleaner way than fossil fuels and preventing being outcompeted by other nations in terms of energy production and consumption, as well as from the desire to assert scientific and potential military strength. Introducing and operating nuclear energy is a part of Turkish government’s Strategic 2 Vision 2023 project. Currently, Erdoğan administration’s nuclear plan consists of 3 sites: Akkuyu, Sinop, and İğneada. The first to be built, Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant has become a key factor in the formation of Turkish Anti-Nuclear Movement (NKP) and a central issue for local communities, environmental activists, independent journalists, experts, associations, chambers, and non-governmental organizations for decades (Künar, 2002; Yavuz, 2015; Temocin, 2018). There has been an interest towards building a nuclear power plant in Turkey since the 1950s, and the reason for this interest has been explained in terms of energy independence, mainly to reduce the dependence of importing fossil fuels for electricity production in the long term. Turkey has had to rely on importing fossil fuels due to the lack of sufficient reserves within its borders to meet its current and future energy demand. So far crude oil and natural gas are the two most imported resources of energy. The total amount of crude oil that is imported to Turkey between 2010 – 2017 is estimated to be 1 World Nuclear Association, (February 2019) http://www.world-nuclear.org/information-library/current-and-future-generation/plans-for-new-reactors- worldwide.aspx 2 http://www.tsv2023.org/index.php/en/ ​ 1 3 more than 162 million tones and the estimated total amount of natural gas imported 4 3 between 2006 – 2016 is more than 450 million Sm .​ When it comes to the production of ​ electricity in Turkey, the data obtained from The Chamber of Electrical Engineers suggest that more than 55% is obtained by burning fossil fuels and most of the renewable 5 electricity is produced via Hydro Plants (32.7%), some of which have faced considerable local resistance due to their environmental impact on the local scale (Karakatipoğlu, 2015). Within the framework of the international Atoms for Peace Program, Turkish government sought to lay the groundwork of its own institutions for producing and processing nuclear energy in 1955 (Ata, 2012: 4). The feasibility studies for the construction of a nuclear power plant in Turkey started in 1965, and the shore of Akkuyu, a province of the city of Mersin, was chosen and licensed as the place for the first nuclear 6 power plant in 1976. Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant is estimated to cost 20 billion dollars 7 and to operate for 60 years. The Power Plant is planned to contain 4 units, each 8 containing 1200 MWs of capacity. The first unit is expected to start operating in 2023. In April 2015 the official launch ceremony was held,9 and the construction license for building the first unit was given in April 201810. In addition to the ongoing construction of the first unit, a permit was granted for the second unit on December 2018.11 As in many projects threatening the local/regional livelihood and ecological balance, nuclear energy in Turkey faced its opposition relatively soon after the official declaration of Akkuyu as the area for a nuclear power plant. The first documented protest against 3 Turkish Statistical Institute, Foreign Trade Statistics, Imports of Crude Petroleum, retrieved from http://www.turkstat.gov.tr/PreTablo.do?alt_id=1046 December, 2017 ​ 4 Republic of Turkey Energy Market Regulatory, retrieved from http://www.emra.org.tr/EN/Documents/NaturalGasMarket/PublishmentsReports in December 2017 ​ 5 The Chamber of Electrical Engineers official website, http://www.emo.org.tr/genel/bizden_detay.php?kod=88369 retrieved in December, 2017 ​ 6 Official website for Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant, http://www.akkunpp.com/projenin-tarihcesi retrieved ​ ​ December, 2017) 7 Energy Ministry of Turkey, http://www.enerji.gov.tr/en-US/Pages/Nuclear-Power-Plant-Planned-Projects-In-Our-Country retrieved ​ December 2017 8 Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant Project official website, http://www.akkunpp.com/npp-2 retrieved ​ ​ December 2017 9World Nuclear News, 15 April 2015 http://www.world-nuclear-news.org/NN-Ground-broken-for-Turkeys-first-nuclear-power-plant-1541501.