A Theoretical Study of Solidarity in American Society: The Case of the “Ground Zero Mosque” Controversy Fatemeh Mohammadi1 * , Hamed Mousavi2 1. PhD Candidate in Anthropology, Carleton University, Canada (Corresponding Author: [email protected]) 2. Assistant Professor, Department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran ([email protected]) (Received: 5 Mar. 2017 Accepted: 8 Aug. 2017) Abstract The paper uses the case study of the controversy regarding the construction of a mosque near the site of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in Manhattan, New York, to analyze the different theoretical approaches to the concept of solidarity. It is argued that the presence of affectional solidarity which is based on feelings of caring, friendship and love was very limited in the case under study. Instead the primary form of solidarity present in the ground zero mosque debate was conventional solidarity, which is based primarily on common interests and concerns that are established through shared traditions and values. Nevertheless, conventional solidarity uses membership within a group to advocate for solidarity. In many instances however, people in need of solidarity might fall outside of the boundaries of “we,” and as a result limiting the utility of the approach. This is why the paper advocates for a revised form of Jodi Dean’s reflective solidarity, which is based on mutual responsibility toward each other despite our differences. It is argued that in its current form this approach is a normative universal ideal which holds great potential but is unclear, underspecified and impractical. However, by injecting some “realism” into this theoretical approach, reflective solidarity is superior to affectional and conventional approaches. Keywords: American Muslims, American society, ground zero mosque, racism, solidarity theory. Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies| Vol. 1| No. 2| October 2017| pp. 199-222 Web Page: https://wsps.ut.ac.ir// Email: [email protected] eISSN:2588-3127 Print ISSN:2588-3119 DOI: 10.22059/wsps.2017.241241.1022 Fatemeh Mohammadi and Hamed Mousavi 200 1. Introduction 2017 This paper uses the controversy surrounding the building of an Islamic cultural center near ground zero in New York, also October | 2 knows as the “ground zero mosque”, to analyze the different forms of solidarity and their limits, and hopefully contribute to the development of a theoretical framework of solidarity that is non-excluding and suitable for the plural societies we live in. | Volume 1|No. The ground zero mosque controversy is an interesting case study in that it led to solidarity with Muslim-Americans from segments of American society as well as politicians, while at the same time enticed antagonism from others in a post-9/11 atmosphere. The debate essentially led to a division within American society on how the issue should be resolved. By World Sociopolitical Studies examining the different forms of solidarity the paper will ask how more people could have been convinced to develop Journal of solidarity with those behind the Muslim Community Center. The paper begins by briefly discussing the plight of Muslim- Americans in the post 9/11 world, highlighting why the case study under discussion is of importance. Subsequently, the theoretical framework of the paper is outlined by looking at the definitions of affectional, conventional and reflective solidarity as defined by Jodi Dean. The next section delves into the debate surrounding the proposed construction of an Islamic center in lower Manhattan. Finally, the paper will use the case study to analyze the strengths and limits of each of the three forms of solidarity. 2. Muslims in North America Around one percent of the American population, equivalent to over three million people, are Muslim (Lipka, 2017), though some estimates put this number at over 6 million (Nimer, 2015). Moreover, about two-thirds of American Muslims are first generation immigrants and around one third of them are native A Theoretical Study of Solidarity in American Society: The Case of the “Ground Zero Mosque” Controversy 201 born. This number is set to increases significantly. The Pew 2017 Research Center (2011) estimates that by 2030, 44.9% of Muslims in the United States will be native born. Before October discussing the controversy surrounding the construction of a | 2 “mosque at ground-zero” in New York it is useful to briefly outline the larger issue of the persecution of American Muslims following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. | Volume 1|No. 2.1. 9/11 and a new reality for Muslims living in North America Statistics show that anti-Muslim incidents in the year after 9/11 rose by 800% compared to the 1995-1996 time period. This Sociopolitical Studies includes a 23-fold increase in the number of violent attacks on Muslims. This does not include the hundreds of attacks against World Sikhs, Hindus, African-Americans and other minorities who were mistaken for Muslim or Arab. Moreover, countless Journal of numbers of American Muslims were harassed at airports, mistreated at the workplace, in the military and even in school. Also, according to the council on American-Islamic relations, U.S. government actions right after September 11, 2001 alone impacted more than 60,000 individuals (Nimer, 2002). These events highly affected the day-to-day lives of 3 to 6 million American Muslims. Moreover, these hate crimes have not subsided with the passage of time. For example in July 2017, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) reported that after the election of Donald Trump, hate crimes against Muslims rose 91% in the first half of 2017 (Aljazeera, 2017). Even in the more diverse and tolerant Canadian society, Muslims went under a national security spotlight. Security officials from organizations such as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) and provincial and local police started to “visit” many Muslims. The Canadian Council on American-Islamic Fatemeh Mohammadi and Hamed Mousavi 202 Relation (CAIR-CAN) has conducted a national survey on this 2017 issue. The results of the 2004 survey show that 8% of the 467 respondents were questioned by security officials, with 46% of October | them reported feeling fearful, anxious or nervous, and 24% of 2 them felt harassed and discriminated against. Many reported that the officers were aggressive and threatened them with arrest based on the Anti-Terrorism Act. Problematic questions were | Volume 1|No. asked, such as their loyalty to Canada, their level of commitment to the Islamic faith and its rituals, as well as questions asking their opinion about the word jihad (Nimer, 2002: 2-3). A 2004 survey of Muslims living in North America indicated that 56% of respondents reported anti-Muslim incidents at least World Sociopolitical Studies on one occasion in the year after 9/11. Thirty-three percent of these anti-Muslim incidents were verbal abuse; other highly Journal of reported experiences included racial profiling; and 16 percent included workplace discrimination. Also 56% of respondents indicated that they felt media reporting on Islam and Muslims had become increasingly biased (Nimer, 2002: 6). The increase in prejudice against Muslims after 9/11 intensified the pressure on them to assimilate into the dominant practices of society (Spurles, 2003: 44). For example, some Muslim girls felt that they could not assimilate into mainstream culture by performing some Islamic religious acts, and as a result some Islamic practices such as wearing the hijab, which is one of the most salient markers of being a Muslim woman in the public, eventually faded among some members of the Muslim community. This pressure was more acute for Muslim women who experienced discrimination in the public. Even though virtually the entire American Muslim population strongly and publicly condemned the terrorist attacks (Pew Research Center, 2011) and even though none of the hijackers was an American Muslim, a majority of the American A Theoretical Study of Solidarity in American Society: The Case of the “Ground Zero Mosque” Controversy 203 population was not in solidarity with their fellow citizens, whose 2017 only difference was that they ascribed to a different religion. Even ten years after the attacks a Gallup report indicated that “a October significant number of Americans of diverse faiths report distrust | 2 of and prejudice toward U.S. Muslims, more so than toward any other major faith group studied” (Johnson, 2011). Such prejudice is largely the result of a systemic construction of Islam and Muslims as the ultimate “other” in American society, | Volume 1|No. particularly after the fall of the Soviet Union and the elimination of communism and communists as “others.” 2.2. American Muslims as "others" Sociopolitical Studies Muslim Americans come from very diverse backgrounds and ethnicities. Also, the life styles of Muslim Americans look very World similar to the rest of the American public. For example, statistics show that they watch entertainment television, follow Journal of professional or college sports, recycle household materials, and play video games comparable to the general public. Moreover surveys show that virtually all Muslim Americans agree that women should be able to work outside of the home and most of them also think that there is no difference between male and female political leaders (Pew Research Center, 2011). These facts however have not stopped the stereotypical representation of Muslims in the US. In Orientalism, Said (1978) argues that Western knowledge about the East is not generated from reality but rather from preconceived stereotypes that envision all "Eastern" societies as fundamentally similar to one another, and fundamentally different to "Western" societies. In this discourse Western society is portrayed as developed, rational, flexible, and superior, while the East, particularly the Middle East, is seen as eccentric, sensual, and backward. In Orientalist discourse the actions and values of the Orient are presented as the ultimate Fatemeh Mohammadi and Hamed Mousavi 204 "other" of Western actions and values.