CompraSud A Collective Attempt to Overturn the National Italian Consumer Goods artigo Market CompraSud Una tentativa collectiva de dar la vuelta al mercado italiano de bienes de consumo Marcello Messinaa,@ aUniversidade Federal da Paraíba @Contacto: [email protected] Resumen La iniciativa del Sur de Italia conocida como CompraSud (literalmente: “Compra Sur”) es compleja, heterogénea y contradictoria e compren- de campañas de medios sociales, movimientos sociales, pequeñas iniciativas de startup y peticiones callejeras. El principal objetivo de CompraSud es debilitar la hegemonía nacional de los productos fabricados en el norte de Italia. Como parte de sus actividades, las diferen- tes agendas de CompraSud promueven boicots de productos del Norte vendidos en todas las regiones italianas, como el tradicional pastel navideño conocido como panettone. Es importante destacar que varios grupos de CompraSud se esfuerzan por ofrecer una justificación racional y una autoridad intelectual a sus acciones al citar una serie de trabajos académicos. En este artículo, afronto la intrincada red de trampas discursivas inherentes al complejo corpus textual asociado a las agendas de CompraSud, para identificar las visiones geopolíticas y económicas implicadas en la iniciativa. A partir de la teoría de Joseph Pugliese de la “frontera” italiana entre Norte e Sur como un eje geopolítico racializado, trato de descifrar las implicaciones decoloniales de CompraSud, considerando también las tensiones producidas dentro de la iniciativa a nivel nacional y regional. Posteriormente, tomo en cuenta la alianza entre Sur de Italia y África propuesta por los acti- vistas mediante la apropiación de los discursos políticos anticoloniales de Patrick Lumumba y Thomas Sankara, resignificando el imaginario tradicional producido sobre la región. A nivel nacional. finalmente, considero las fricciones (y confusiones) entre las agendas de liberación territorial y la promoción de empresas locales privadas incluidas en la iniciativa. Palabras clave Sur de Italia | Movimientos Sociales | campañas de boicots | Liberación territorial | Consumidores Códigos JEL D01 | D04 | D20 | D91 | D71 | D74 Abstract The Southern Italian initiative known as CompraSud (literally: “Buy South”) is a complex, heterogeneous, and contradictory heading that com- prises social media campaigns, activist movements, small-scale start-up initiatives, and street petitions. The principal aim of CompraSud is weakening the national hegemony of goods manufactured in the Northern Italy. As part of their activities, the various CompraSud agendas promote boycotts of Northern goods that have become widespread in all Italian regions, such as the traditional Christmas loaf known as panettone. Importantly, various CompraSud groups make an effort to provide rational justification and intellectual authority for their actions by citing a range of academic works. In this article, I work my way through the intricate web of discursive trappings inherent to the complex body of textual materials associated with CompraSud agendas, in order to identify the specific geopolitical and economic visions implied in the initiative. Drawing upon Joseph Pugliese’s theory of the Italian North/South “border” as a racialized geopolitical axis, I try to decipher the decolonial implications of CompraSud, also considering the tensions produced within the initiative at national and regional levels. Sub- sequently, I take account of the conflation between Southern Italy and Africa envisaged by the activists using anti-colonial political discourse by the likes of Patrick Lumumba and Thomas Sankara, which has the effect of appropriating and signifying traditional images of the region produced at the national level. Finally, I consider the frictions (and confusions) between territorial liberation agendas and the promotion of private local enterprise embedded in the initiative. Keywords Southern Italy | Social movements | Boycott campaigns | Territorial liberation | Consumers JEL Codes D01 | D04 | D20 | D91 | D71 | D74 História e Economia | 2019 | vol.23 | 60–76 Artigo recebido em 08/11/2019. Aprovado em 03/03/2020. 1. Introduction The Southern Italian initiative known as CompraSud (literally: “Buy South”) is a complex, heterogeneous, and at times contradictory heading that comprises social media campaigns, grassroots activist movements, small-scale start-up initiatives and street petitions. The principal aim of this CompraSud is weakening the national hegemony of goods manufactured in Northern Italy or manufactured in the South and sold by firms whose headquarters are in the North. A serious introduction to the issue cannot overlook the harsh polarisation of North-South relations that characterises Italy, at least since national unification in 1860-61. Characterised by the abundant deployment of military violence (Pugliese, 2008; Lupo, 2011), the unification campaign conducted by the Northern Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont) also involved the systematic disenfranchisement of Southern financial, industrial and manufacturing industries (Nitti, 1900). The consequential impoverishment of the South has been read in various ways, ranging from the encounter between a “modern”, industrialised region (the North) and a prevalently agrarian society, inherently recalcitrant towards capitalist development, to more radical denunciation of the pillaging of Southern Italian resources, foraged by military violence (Nitti, 1900; Gramsci, 1979; Salvemini, 1963; Zitara, 1971; Pugliese, 2008). Historic-economic readings imbued with the narrative of Southern Italian lack of “modernity”1 have been supported by pseudoscientific tropes of innate predisposition to criminality (cf. Lombroso, 1900; Lombroso, 1898), cultural backwardness characterised by “amoral familism”, (cf. Banfield, 1958) incompatibility with democracy and horizontal collaboration (cf. Putnam, 1993), etc. These images have, in turn, been complemented by post-modern tropes of hyper-violent Southern cities, infected by endemic and cancerous crime, as in the film Gomorrah (cf. Messina, 2015). Alongside these hyper-criminalised narratives, racially charged representations of the South and its inhabitants have thus come to include visions of filth, repugnance and disgust. Contrasting readings have denounced the immediate post-unification dismantlement of Southern strategic industries such as the Steelworks of Mongiana and the Shipyards of Castellammare (Rossi & Ceccarelli, 2016), instrumental to the relocation of these productive poles to other sites in Northern Italy (Mazza, 2011; Lizza, 2011). The perception of a progressive weakening of Southern industrial production and commercial leverage caused by Northern hegemony is shared by some important authors along the way from the unification period to the present day. In 1900, Francesco Saverio Nitti famously pointed out the outright impoverishment of Southern Italian finances, operated through monetary imposition to Southern credit institutes (Nitti, 1900, 136-137) In a 1903 diatribe with his fellow socialist intellectual Filippo Turati, Gaetano Salvemini took the cudgels up for the South, complaining, among other things, about the ways in which customs tariffs accords involving Italy and its neighbouring countries always happened to favour Northern exportations against Southern ones, with the general political backing of Northern socialists such as Turati himself:2 If in these discussions and votes you will start from the idea that the Southern problem is a historic problem, and that therefore there’s nothing to do about it, you will see, for example, that Austria-Hungary’s denunciation of the wine clause actually wrecks Apulian viticulture, but this is a... historic wreckage: the best we can do, therefore, is make an effort to obtain, as 1 A serious discussion of modernity as a Eurocentric myth that justifies violent colonial incursions should take account of the work of Dussel (2010). 2 The emerging detail regarding Salvemini’s difficult relationship with Northern socialists might help answer one of the questions that has been asked to me while drafting this work, and that is about the relationship of the regional left with Southern industries. This question, in turn, arised from the perception that in Catalonia the two groups appear to cooperate. In fact, the participation of Southern left-wing politicians (as much as that of the regional right wing) in agendas connected to CompraSud has been scarce and limited to some isolated initiatives. Messina, Marcello História e Economia | 2019 | vol.23 | 61 a compensation from our ally, some more concessions in favour of industrial products... from the North. Germany rejects grapes, almonds, oranges, lemons, dates, cherries, other fresh fruits, vegetables, legumes, almost all Southern produce? Even this is a historic issue: at least, though, raw silk was not rejected, and it will be easy to obtain new benefits for Northern industries, thanks to the... historic sacrifice of the South (Salvemini, 1963 [1903], 279).3 Salvemini concluded his quite sarcastic rant against Turati by stating that it was fundamental that “Northern democratic parties refrained from helping Northern protectionist industrialists oppress each and every source of Southern wealth” (Salvemini, 1963 [1903], 283).4 In 1920, Gramsci declared that “the Northern bourgeoisie had subjugated Southern Italy and the islands and reduced them to colonies of exploitation” (Gramsci, 1966 [1920], 73). In late WWII Sicily, La Sicilia ai siciliani, the antifascist pamphlet