Journalistic practice in risk and crisis situations: significant examples from Spain Carles Pont Sorribes Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain Carles Pont Sorribes, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, La Rambla 30–32, 08025 Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain Email: [email protected] Sergi Cortiñas Rovira Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain Abstract In a democratic society, the media are central to the communication of risks and uncertainties to the public. This article presents 10 proposals for improving media coverage in social risk situations. The article focuses on the production logic of the media and its consequences for society. The proposals and the conclusions of this research are supported by an analysis of three Spanish cases: the risk implied by the Tarragona chemical complex (one of the biggest in Europe); the terrorist attacks on 11 March 2004 in Madrid; and the Carmel tunnel disaster in Barcelona on January 2005. The authors are participating in a research project on public perception of risk funded by the Spanish Education Ministry on public perception of risk (2004–2007 and 2007–2010). 1. Introduction, aims and methodology This article was inspired by a number of research projects undertaken by the authors, who, in recent years, have specialised in risk and crisis issues. Having analysed a number of cases, we reflect on several notions common to the different research projects. Our main aim was to draw some conclusions on the role played by the communications media in risk or crisis situations. More specifically, we have drawn up specific proposals aimed at improving professional journalistic practice in reporting on risk or emergency situations.1 1 This work forms part of a research project funded by the Ministry of Science and Innovation (SEJ 2007- 63095/SOCI), entitled “The chemical risk perception at Tarragona and European Union: social effects of institutional communication and media of information.” The principal researcher is Jordi Farré (Rovira i Virgili University, Tarragona, Spain). 1 This article reports empirical data for the following case studies: (1) the risk associated with the petrochemical complex located in Tarragona; (2) the terrorist attacks on Madrid of 11 March 2004; and (3) the subsidence of a number of buildings in the Carmel area of Barcelona in January 2005. 1. The Camp de Tarragona petrochemical complex, which is the most important such complex in Spain and one of the most important of its kind in southern Europe, has very unique and specific characteristics that make it ideal for study.2 Our research team studied several aspects of the risk implied by the activities implemented in this highly technical complex. In this particular article, we analyse journalistic coverage of activities in the complex and the media’s role in communicating risk. 2. The terrorist attack of 11 March 2004 in Madrid, commonly referred to as 11-M in Spain, consisted of ten almost simultaneous explosions directed against four commuter trains during the early morning rush hour. It is the largest terrorist attack committed in Europe to date. A total of 191 people died and a further 1,700 were injured. A court sentence (by the Audiencia Nacional) has attributed authorship to members of Jihad terrorist cells or groups. The main features of a major crisis were evident on the day of the attack and in its aftermath, namely, shock, loss of control and uncertainty. This reaction was also evident among politicians and the media, leading to much closer contact between these groups than is normal. Our case study focuses on analysing how the communications media acted as this unprecedented crisis unfolded. 3. On 27 January 2005, in the Carmel neighbourhood of Barcelona, a tunnel used in works to extend Line 5 of the underground collapsed. A hole appeared measuring 18 metres across and 35 metres deep, into which a garage located at No. 12 Carrer Calafell collapsed. A number of other buildings had to be demolished subsequently. Although there were no victims, 1,057 people, 84 buildings (500 homes) and two schools were affected. The event led to a major social and political crisis. Our research focuses on information production processes in the communications media and institutional communications management in times of crisis, studying, in particular, 2 The results discussed here correspond to the research study referred to in footnote 1. Both authors of this article are participants in this research project. 2 the different actors involved, information sources and journalistic respect for professional codes of conduct. The methodology used for each of the case studies consisted of the following: (1) in-depth interviews with journalists working for local media in Tarragona3 and a closed-question survey administered to 30 journalists4; (2) analysis and study of journalistic routines referring to the content of three television channels (TVE, Antena 3 and Tele 5) for 11, 12 and 13 March 2004;5 and (3) analysis of content for four television channels (TVE, TV3, Antena 3 and Tele 5) and four newspapers (La Vanguardia, El Periódico, El País and Avui) in the aftermath of the Carmel tunnel collapse and in-depth interviews with the heads of communication in the main institutions responsible.6 2. Theoretical framework Changes to modernity and its relationship with risk have led to the development of new paradigms, one of which is the risk society (Beck, 1986).7 This current of thought refers to the fact that important transformations are occurring in today’s society, leading to new social relationships (in the form of innovative grassroots movements such as environmentalism, pacifism and feminism) that supplant the class society. In this context, Beck posits the risk-society paradigm as a state of modern society in which the production of political, ecological and individual risk escapes institutional control. The novelty of the concept of the risk society is that our decisions and civilisation imply 3 The interviews were conducted with journalists in the following media: Tarragona Ràdio, Catalunya Ràdio, Diari de Tarragona and Ràdio Nacional d’Espanya. Interviews were also conducted with representatives of the Directorate-General for Emergencies of the Generalitat (Autonomous Government) of Catalonia, heads of the Emergency Press and Communications Bureau of Catalonia and representatives of the Risk Observatory. 4 Following Wimmer & Dominick (2001, p.83), who refer to these as technical surveys or non- probabilistic samples (composed of voluntary or intentional subjects), a questionnaire was administered and responded to by 30 journalists active in a range of communications media: newspapers (La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya, El País, Avui and Diari de Tarragona); television stations (Televisió de Catalunya, both TV3 and Canal 3/24, Canal*/CNN+ and Barcelona Televisió); radio stations (Ràdio Nacional d’Espanya, Catalunya Ràdio and Ona Catalana); and finally, a press agency (Europa Press). 5 For further information, see Cortiñas & Pont (2006). Actores periodísticos y políticos en momentos de crisis: un estudio de caso Comunicar, Vol. 14, No. 27, pp. 129-135. 6 For further information, see Pont (2008). Protocols, actors i comunicació institucional en episodis d’emergència. Estudi de la gestió informativa de l’esfondrament d’un túnel del metro al Carmel de Barcelona. Doctoral thesis. Department of Communication. Pompeu Fabra University. Barcelona. 7 In 1986, the German sociologist Ulrick Beck published Risikogesellschaf: auf dem weg in eine andere Moderne, published subsequently in several languages, including English and Spanish. In the 1990s, this social theory entered into dialogue with the contributions of other authors such as Giddens, Lash, Habermas and Luhmann, etc. 3 global problems and dangers that radically contradict the institutional language of control and the promise of controlling catastrophes that are palpable in worldwide public opinion (Beck, 2003). On the other hand, the concept of modernity according to Giddens (1993) is a stage that is based on separating time and space (and also on the need for regionalising social life), through a process for disconnecting social systems through symbolic signals (money, for example) and bearing in mind expert systems (structures of experiences that organise material and social areas, such as specialisms in electronics). Modernity has created a series of systems which function, in a coordinated way, with a set of safe actions that make life today possible (Giddens, 1993): for example, extracting money from an automatic machine, obtaining water from a tap, making a telephone call or turning on the light. Risk and the media As a complement to sociological theories in regard to risk we need to be aware of the very relevant role played by the communications media. The media make information public and so add to collective knowledge of danger, risk and visible insecurity. Alarmism is fostered by numerous broadcasts by the mass media, and news coverage of crises, terrorist attacks and catastrophes is immediately transmitted all over the world (Gil Calvo, 2004, p. 35). The same author’s hypothesis on the amplification of collective risk links in with what Beck has to say on globalisation: increased public knowledge of perceived risk coupled with scientific ignorance of the real risk means that the alarmism of the communications media is not invented but is in fact genuine. On the basis of a certain threshold of real risk, public opinion always tends to provoke and perceive greater collective alarmism, a fact reflected in the journalistic saying that “the only real news is bad news”. The communications media are capable of reconstructing facts and presenting them as an historic event on the basis of a representation of reality as a revelation (Gil Calvo, 2004, p. 151). The perception of risk has increased in recent decades, and this important change has clearly been produced by the fact that information is immediately available. 4 With the removal of communication frontiers, news arrives in a question of seconds to all corners of the world, and this leads to changes in the attitude of the receivers (Fog, 2002).