This Manuscript Has Beeri Repcoduced from the Microtilrn Master. UMI Films the Text Diredly Fmm the Original Or Copy Submitted

This Manuscript Has Beeri Repcoduced from the Microtilrn Master. UMI Films the Text Diredly Fmm the Original Or Copy Submitted

This manuscript has beeri repcoduced from the microtilrn master. UMI films the text diredly fmm the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while athers may be from any type of cornputer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the qwlity of the copy submitted. Brdcen or indistinct print, odored or pcmr qualii illustrations and photographs, print bleedthmugh, substaridard mafgins, and improQer alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did rrot smd UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, aiese will be noted. Also, if unauthorked copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e-g., maps, drawings, charts) are repraduced by sectiming the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and mtinuing fmm left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduœd xerographically in this -y. Higher quality 6' x 9' Mack and white photographic prints are availabk for any photographs w illustratims appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. 8611 8 Howell Information and Leaming 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Amr, MI 481CS-1346 USA 800-521-0800 NOTE TO USERS The original manuscript received by UMI contains pages with indistinct andlor slanted print. Pages were microfilmed as received. This reproduction is the best copy available PAiTERNS OF RURAL PROTEST: CHIEFS, SLAVES AND PEASANTS IN NORTHWESTERN SIERRA LEONE, 1896-1956 ISMAlt O.D. RASHID Depanment of History McGill University Montreal A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilrnent of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. @ lsmail 0.0. Rashid Match, 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K 7 A ON4 ûttawaON KlAON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence ailowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fih, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni 1a thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author' s ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on slaves and peasants as self-consciousness actors in northwestern Sierra Leone between 1896 to 1956. During this period, which covers almost the entire duration of British colonial rule in the region, these subaltern groups used covert and violent actions to protest the various demands - labour, tribute and taxation -- of the state and the local elite. Covert actions Iike evasions, escapes and migrations became interwoven into the fabric of colonial rule. Violent actions, which tended to be spasmodic, erupted when social and economic conditions deteriorated sharply. Four major rebellions occurred during colonial rule in region. The first, spearheaded by local rulers, took place within the general context of African resistance to colonialism in 1898. After the rulers were coopted by the colonial state the burden of resistance fell on peasants and slaves. In 1 9 1 9, after enduring excruciating war-time experiences, peasants, petty-traders, slaves and the urban unemployed rioted against Syrian traders who they believed hoarded and profited from rice. The rural destitution created by the Great Oepression and a major locust attack led many ex-slaves and peasants to join the millenarian movement of the itinerant muslim cleric, ldara Konthorfili in 1931. ldara called on his followers not to pay colonial tax and tried to mobilize them to fight against the state. !n 1955 and 1956, peasants and other rural groups throughout northwestern Sierra Leone rebelled against high taxation and the despotism of their chiefs. In its timing and virulence the anti-chief rebellion of 1955 and 1956 represented a major paradox in African history. It had occurred during the moment of decolonization; a period when the colonial transfer of power to the new African elite was following formulait and relatively peaceful lines. The state responded to subaltern protest with repression, paternalism and readjustments in existing social relations. By their actions, slaves and peasants forced the state and elite groups to acknowledge and respond to their concerns. The balance which emerged out of this process of resistance, repression and accommodation became the moral economy of colonialism in Sierra Leone. iii Cette th&e porte sur les esclaves et paysans, acteurs politiques conscients dans le nord-ouest du Sierra Leone entre 1896 et 1956. Pendant cette période, qui couvre la majeure partie du règne colonial britannique dans la région, ces groupes subalternes ont eu ressort à des actions clandestines et violentes afin de s'élever contre les exigences diverses-travail, tribut, et taxes--de l'État et des élites locales. Ces actions clandestines, évasions, fuites, et migrations, devinrent panie intégrante du tissu du règne colonial. Les actions violentes, souvent spasmodiques, éclataient lors de détériorations brusques des conditions socio-économiques. Oncompte quatre rebellions importantes dans la région pendant l'ère coloniale. La première, menée par les leaders locaux, s'inscrit dans le cadre de la résistance africaine contre la colonisation en 1898. Une fois les chefs cooptés, la résistance incombe aux paysans et esclaves. En 1919, suite à d'amères expériences durant la guerre, paysans, petits commercants, esclaves, et citadins sans-emploi se révoltérent contre les commercants Syriens coupables, selon eux, d'avoir stocké le riz et profité de ce monopole. Face à la pauvret6 rurale dûe à la Grande Dépression et suite à une importante ruée de sauterelles, plusieurs ancients esclaves rejoignirent les rangs du mouvement millénaire créé en 1931 par le clerc musulman itinérant ldara Konthorfili. ldara exhortait ses disciples à refuser de payer l'impôt colonial, de même qu'il essayait de les mobiliser pour lutter contre l'État. En 1955 et 1956, les paysans et autres groupes ruraux dans le nord-ouest du Sierra Leone se rebellèrent contre les taxes prohibitoires et contre le despotisme de leurs chefs. La rébellion de 1955-56 contre les chefs représente un paradoxe dans l'histoire africaine, de part sa violence et le moment de son éruption. En effet, la rébellion s'inscrit dans le contexte de la décolonisation, une période où le transfer du pouvoir à la nouvelle élite africaine peut être qualifié de relativement calme et organisé. état répondit aux protestations subalternes par la répression, le paternalisme, et des réajustements dans les relations sociales. Par leurs actions, les esclaves et paysans ont forcé l'État et les élites a reconnaître leurs demandes et à y répondre. C'est l'équilibre qui émerge suite à ce processus de résistance, répression, et accomodation qui constitue l'économie morale du colonialisme au Sierra Leone. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the long journey which eventually produced this dissertation, I have benefitted from the generosity and moral support of many people who cannot al1 be mentioned by name here. My eternal gratitude extends to them. My sincere appreciation goes to m y supervisor, Professor Myron Echenberg for his unflinching support, intellectual guidance, and for making my tenurc at McGill University challenging and rewarding. Thanks also to Professor Catherine Legrand and the late Professor Robert Vogel for their encouragement and scholarty guidance. My sincere appreciation also extends to the other members of my thesis committee, Professors Colin Duncan, Elizabeth Elbourne, A Turgay, GiI Troy and M. Kramer for contributing to the enhancement of this work. Professor Martin Klein of the University of Toronto also deserves acknowledgement for his insightful suggestions and comments on the dissertation. To the staff of the McGill History department, Mary McDaid, Georgii Mikula, Celine Cutinho and Joan Pozer, I am grateful for your smiles and assistance. ! am indebted to Dr. Ibrahim Abdallah (I.B.) of the University of Western Cape South Africa, Professor Richard Rathbone of the School of African and Oriental Studies (SOAS) and Professor Barbara Harrell-Bond of Oxford University. I.B. first sparked my interest in peasant protest and provided regular scholarly insight and suggestions. Professor Rathbone gave generously of his time and intellectual experience while I was doing my research in the United Kingdom. Professor Harrell-Bond generously allowed me access to her research materials and provided me lodgings while I was researching at Oxford. My gratitude also to the archivists and staff at the following institutions for their help in the retrieval of documents: Inter-Library Loan Office of McGiII ilniversity; Sierra Leone National Archive, Public Records Office, British Library, Rhodes House Library and the Church Missionary Society Archive,

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