The Role of Religious Fundamentalism in the Intersection of National and Religious Identities Susilo Wibisono, Winnifred Louis, and Jolanda Jetten School of Psychology, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia ndonesia has seen recent expansions of fundamentalist movements mobilising members in support I a change to the current constitution. Against this background, two studies were conducted. In Study 1, we explored the intersection of religious and national identity among Indonesian Muslims quantita- tively, and in Study 2, we qualitatively examined religious and national identification among members of moderate and fundamentalist religious organisations. Specifically, Study 1 (N = 178) assessed whether the association of religious and national identity was moderated by religious fundamentalism. Results showed that strength of religious identification was positively associated with strength of national iden- tification for both those high and low in fundamentalism. Using structured interviews and focus group discussions, Study 2 (N = 35) examined the way that self-alignment with religious and national groups develops among activists of religious movements in Indonesia. We found that while more fundamentalist activists attached greater importance to their religious identity than to any other identity (e.g., national and ethnic), more moderate activists represented their religious and national identities as more inte- grated and compatible. We conclude that for Indonesian Muslims higher in religious fundamentalism, religious and national identities appear to be less integrated and this is consequential for the way in which collective agendas are pursued. Keywords: social identity, national identity, religious identity, fundamentalism, religiosity Researchers often perceive fundamentalism as the driv- certain religious norms may be perceived as a demonstra- ing force behind interreligious group conflict because it tion of religious supremacy that can lead to disharmonious is argued to support authoritarian aggression (Altemeyer relationships among other religious groups (Kanas & Mar- &Hunsberger,1992) or terrorist violence (Rogers et al., tinovic, 2017) and ultimately damage national interests. 2007). However, it is also clear that those who are driven by This is why we propose that it is important to gain a their fundamentalist identity to pursue particular group deeper understanding of the relationship of religious iden- goals hold more identities than just their religious iden- tity and national identity. Religious-based political action tity. We propose that how religious identity intersects with can not only exert a strong influence on societies (Kanas other identities — notably national identity — is impor- & Martinovic, 2017; Verkuyten, Maliepaard, Martinovic, tant because it determines how that the religious iden- & Khoudja, 2014), but it can affect group processes and tity takes shape and is defined. In particular, while both identities at work in religious collective action (Ysseldyk national identification and religious identification are as- et al., 2010). Such collective action may be represented sociated with group loyalty (Druckman, 1994; Ysseldyk, in various forms, such as supporting religious-based po- Matheson, & Anisman, 2010), the two identities can be litical agendas (e.g., religious education in schools, legal perceivedasmoreorlesscompatible,andthismaybeas- ratification of religious-based rituals), lobbying for reli- sociated with religious-based collective action. We argue gious interests, or religious-based intergroup hostility (see that it is important to examine the intersection of iden- Kanas & Martinovic, 2017; Kanas, Scheepers, & Sterkens, tities because, at times, the actions that emerge as a con- 2016). sequence of a particular form of intersectionality may be In the present research, we explore the role of reli- disruptive to the social fabric of nation states. For example, gious fundamentalism in the intersection of religious and the demands by fundamentalist religious groups to legalise national identity in Indonesia. In the second study, we Address for correspondence: Susilo Wibisono, School of Psychology, University of Queensland, McElwain Building, Room 303, St Lucia QLD 4067, Australia. Email: [email protected] JOURNAL OF PACIFIC RIM PSYCHOLOGY, Volume 13, e12, page 1 of 12. C The Author(s) 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under 1 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/corethe terms of the Creative Commons. IP address: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 170.106.202.226, on 25 Sep 2021 at 19:42:33 licence, subject (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at ), which https://www.cambridge.org/core/termspermits non-commercial. https://doi.org/10.1017/prp.2018.25 re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is unaltered and is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use or in order to create a derivative work. doi 10.1017/prp.2018.25 Susilo Wibisono et al. explore more specifically how active members of religious Finally, we define religious identity as a sense of be- social movements in Indonesia understand the intersec- longing to one religion (Kanas & Martinovic, 2017), and tion of religious and national identity. We propose that those with a higher religious identity typically believe in a this intersection determines the nature of activism on be- distinctive sacred worldview and an ‘eternal’ group affili- half of the group as well as the attributions that members ation (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). Many people associate them- make for events that are relevant to the religious group and selves with their religious group, and for some this extends nation. Before exploring these processes in greater detail, to seeing religious identity as more important than other it is important to define key concepts. identities. It is the relationship of religious and national identity that is the focus of the present article. Definition of Key Concepts The Relationship Between Religious and National Identities Despite the fact that there are a fair number of definitions National identity can lead to a sense of citizenship with of religious fundamentalism in different disciplines (Ma- institutional commitments and increased participation vor, Louis, & Laythe, 2011), many scholars have defined in national development (Smith, 2001). In this sense, fundamentalism as a set of dogmatic beliefs or a literal ad- national identity can establish inclusiveness, as all herence to a sacred text (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992; members of a nation are considered ingroup members, Liht, Conway, Savage, White, & O’Neill, 2011; Williamson irrespective of their various other identities (Meeus, & Ahmad, 2007). In this research, we will adopt a def- Duriez, Vanbeselaere, & Boen, 2010). However, perceived inition that is related to this generally accepted charac- identity incompatibility between religious and national terisation of the concept and define fundamentalism as identities can lead to political action aimed at establishing ‘the belief that there is one set of religious teachings that religious-political governance, in order to seize power clearly contains the fundamental, basic, intrinsic, essen- from more secular governments (e.g., as witnessed in the tial, inerrant truth about humanity and deity that must Iranian revolution, the Egyptian revolution, or the Hizbut be followed, unchangeable and opposed by forces of evil’ Tahrir movement in Indonesia). Similarly, perceived (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992, p. 118). This definition incompatibility of national and religious identities may provides the basis of the Religious Fundamentalism Scale lead to state repression of religious congregations, schools, (RFS) employed in many studies (e.g., Asp, Ramchan- or doctrines, and even state violence against members of dran, & Tranel, 2012; Beller & Kroger, 2017;Blogowska religious groups. &Saroglou,2011). In addition, Liht et al. (2011,p.1) The perceived incompatibility of these identities can consider religious fundamentalism as a personal orienta- serve to drive people with dual identities to participate tion that asserts a supra-human locus of authority, ab- in political action that strongly supports the domination solute truth and the appreciation of the sacred over the of one of these identities (Simon, Trotschel, & Dahne, worldly experience. Considering the scriptural interpreta- 2008). People whose religious identity trumps their na- tion within religion, fundamentalism is described as a be- tional identity are more likely to perceive their religiosity lief that a single text is absolutely authoritative and judged as more central to their self-concept (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). to be the final arbitrator of all other knowledge (Hood, The unique characteristics of religion (e.g., compelling Hill, & Williamson, 2005,p.3). emotional experience and moral authority that cannot be The other key concept in this research — national empirically disputed; Wellman & Tokuno, 2004)maylead identity— is defined as one’s sense of belonging to one religious identity to be personally more significant than state or nation (see Kanas & Martinovic, 2017; Verkuyten membership in other groups (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). et al., 2014; Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007). High national iden- According to the ingroup projection model (Mum- tification is associated with loyalty to