70 Germany, Italy, and Japan as Awkward Great Powers in the International System Mr Gabriele Abbondanza1 1University of Sydney IR3: International Relations, Education 2.18, September 24, 2019, 11:30 AM - 1:00 PM Contemporary power hierarchies are rapidly evolving, as a result of the ever-changing nature of the international system. Related theories, however, often struggle to match the pace of this process, a condition that is easily observable when considering great power theory (GPT). The latter has seldom changed its definitional criteria over the last few decades, despite some attempts to do so in the post-Cold War period. As a consequence of this theoretical and analytical rigidity, a few countries possessing substantial material capabilities and international prestige have been disregarded by GPT, while not being considered appropriate candidates for middle powerdom either, in consideration of their superior international standings. This paper argues that Germany, Italy, and Japan are three suitable candidates for "awkward great powerdom", by virtue of their military and economic capabilities, their political and diplomatic rankings, and their cultural influence. Since, as Waltz attested, international hierarchies are constructed with capabilities alone, this paper aims to rethink GPT definitional criteria, in order to include not only traditional hard power parameters, but also a more nuanced understanding of soft power elements, while assessing the international status of three influential and yet understudied members of the global community. 265 A political economy of water supply in Nigeria: political change, water access and water infrastructure development Mr Adegboyega Adeniran1 1Australia National University ENV6: Environment, Education 3.25, September 25, 2019, 9:00 AM - 10:30 AM Post-colonial political changes in Nigeria has been driven by ideological or international political trends with a major impact on governance and the trajectories of human and infrastructural development. However, the effects of these structural and systemic changes on water access and development remain acutely under-researched. This paper investigates the effect of the structural changes and development discourses of Nigeria’s military and democratic governments since independence on potable water infrastructure and access. Using process tracing and a context-based mixed methods approach, I conducted a discourse and content analysis of government, nongovernmental and multilateral agencies documents, and quantitative analysis of relevant potable water infrastructure and access data from Nigeria and Oyo state, to understand the impact at the federal and state level. Specific attention was given to the systemic impact of the 1966 1 unification decree, the 1999 constitutional provision that places water supply on the concurrent legislative list, and the changes in global water resources management paradigms. The results show that 1) the 1966 unification decree by the military expedited nation-wide water resources development; 2) potable water supply and access dominated water resources development despite the agriculture-focused “national development” narrative underpinning national development plans; 3) political continuity under a democratic government has not resulted in major improvements to potable water access or infrastructure development in comparison to military governments. On the basis of this analysis, this study advances and contributes to the scant political-economic literature of water in Nigeria and provides an opportunity to develop context-based water supply strategies by identifying structural and legislative loopholes affecting water provision. 300 Enacting durable public-interest reforms: the case of the Australian 'carbon tax' Ms Cathy Alexander1 1University of Melbourne POL7: Policy & Governance, Education 2.08, September 24, 2019, 2:00 PM - 3:30 PM This paper considers the case of the Gillard-era Carbon Pricing Mechanism (2012-14), sometimes called the 'carbon tax', and asks why the policy did not prove durable. This paper compares Gillard's scheme with the carbon tax implemented in British Columbia, Canada, which remains in place 11 years after implementation. The paper concludes there is no substitute for the approach of winning public acceptance for a public- interest reform, as a strategy to promote its durability. A series of sub-strategies is devised to help achieve this. Patashnik's US-focused approach to enacting durable public-interest reforms is considered in light of the findings, with the conclusion drawn that his work is not particularly relevant for Westminster systems like Australia and Canada. 283 Citizen, Elite Trust Gap, and the rise of Populism in Nigeria Dr Margaret Apine1 1Federal University Lokoja COMP4: Comparative Politics, Education 3.25, September 24, 2019, 2:00 PM - 3:30 PM The purpose of this article is to explore the level of citizen’s support for policies of populist’s leaders as against those of more liberal ones in Nigeria. This is with the view to advance our understanding of why the country has produced two of former military dictators, within the past nineteen years of civil rule in Nigeria. It ask; is there a trust gap between the electorates and the political elites? Could it be possible that Nigerians are more comfortable with campaign promises made by populist leaders as against those promise by political elites? Why was there absolute silence from critics when President Buhari’s administration 2 increased the pump price of fuel to N143, while there were criticisms from the citizens and organized labour movements when president Jonathan increased oil price to just N97? Whereas both President Buhari and Obasanjo had used security rhetoric’s for their campaigns none of them were able to deliver on their promises as the security situation under president Buhari has worsened. Nigerians are dying every day without any effort from Mr. President to arrest the situation. Yet the mass population in the country is not complaining. Their support for the president in the last election exhibits their preference for popular leaders even when they cannot perform their duties. Thus any analysis of these and other types of support by Nigerian for populists leaders as against the political elites explains widening trust gap and the consolidation of populism in the country. 261 Institutions versus Culture? Mitigating Electoral Violence in Africa Mr Christopher Appiah-thompson1 1University of Newcastle COMP4: Comparative Politics, Education 3.25, September 24, 2019, 2:00 PM - 3:30 PM The regular conduct of non-violent, free and fair elections have become the major driving force in the transition to democratic governance in Africa, since the early 1990s. However, the increasing phenomenon of disputed electoral outcomes have led to rampant violent and deadly protests affecting the stability and legitimacy of African states such as Algeria in 1991, Angola in 1992, Ghana in 1992 and 2012, Nigeria in 1993, Benin in 1996 and Kenya in 1992 and 2007. Now, the central question for comparative inquiry is why Ghana, despite many similarities to other African states such as Nigeria, Uganda, Benin and Kenya (in terms of a political history of military coups, failed constitutions, troubled economy and a multi-ethnic state) has nevertheless managed to escape large-scale violence associated with ‘intensely’ disputed elections. The extant literature on comparative politics focuses more on the institutional and structural factors in their explanations of the success or failure of democratic experiments in Africa. In this sense, the critical role of African (political) cultures or ideologies in the mitigation of electoral violence has been neglected in the literature. As a result, these institutional/structural theories have failed to fully account for the nuances of disputed electoral outcomes in terms of the varying intensity of electoral violence in different national contexts. In order to fill this ‘gap,’ the present paper critically draws on some of the ‘positive’ African cultural or ideological elements such norms, symbols and myths in accounting for the variations in the occurrence and nuances of the widespread electoral violence and political decline in the varying national contexts. Empirically, it employs the critical case of the disputed 1992 presidential elections in Ghana to test these assumptions. It also draws some important insights for democracy promoters in their efforts to build sustainable democratic institutions and culture in Africa countries. 189 No hard feelings: Japan-Australia relations after 1945 Dr Dean Aszkielowicz1 1Murdoch University 3 ASA13: Politics in Asia, Education 4.47, September 24, 2019, 11:30 AM - 1:00 PM Introduction: There has been a tendency to classify Australian public views of Japan in the wake of the Second World War as angry and stubborn. In fact, when it came Japan, for the most part Australians moved on from the war quickly. Context: In 1945, relations between the two countries were in tatters and neither appeared interested in repairing them. Yet in 1957, Japanese Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke visited Australia and the two countries signed an economic treaty, indicating they were now partners. As Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies put it: there were no hard feelings about the war. The willingness of Australia to repair relations with Japan was facilitated not only by economic considerations but also by Australia’s participation in two postwar Allied