INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zed) Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 THE LIMITS OF BLACK POWER: CARL B. STOKES AND CLEVELAND’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY, 1945-1971 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Leonard Nathaniel Moore, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1998 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Warren Van Tine, Adviser Professor William Childs Professor William E. Nelson, Jr. Adviser History Graduate Program UMI Number: 9834036 UMI Microform 9834036 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the growth and development of Cleveland’s black community from 1945-1971. Part I, ‘The Search for Power,” is essentially a community study of black Cleveland from 1945-1967, while Part H, “The Limits of Power,” looks at the historic mayoral career of Carl B. Stokes, the first black mayor of a major American city. The twenty-six year period after World War II represented a period of increased mihtancy and political ascension for Cleveland’s black poor. With the large influx of southern migrants paralleling the structural changes in Cleveland's economy, the atmosphere greeting those in search of better living and working conditions was anything but the promised land. Upon arrival black southerners found a constrained housing market, large-scale job discrimination, inferior educational policies, and unfair police protection. But the black poor did not sit idly by during this period of increased repression. Inspired to some extent by the southern drive for voting rights and integration, they employed various protest strategies in their quest to enjoy the full measure of their civil and political rights. By staging rallies, conducting sit-ins, picketing, and by holding rent strikes, they brought much needed attention to their socio-economic. Later, when the black poor resorted to violent protest, city officials could no longer ignore their complaints. While many members of the community employed extra-legal protest methods, there was also a strong emphasis placed upon voter registration and participation. Although blacks in Cleveland had long held the right to vote, the small percentage of the 11 population often did not allow them the opportunity to place meaningful pressure on local politicians. But even when blacks gained representation in Cleveland City Council, black councilpersons rarely took a strong civil rights stance. As conditions for the black poor continued to deteriorate in the 1960s they began to strategize at the voting booth, with hopes of placing in office politicians sympathetic to their experience. The chief recipient of this political consciousness was Carl Burton Stokes, a native Clevelander, who was quite familiar with the conditions of the working-poor. Throughout his early political career as a State Representative, Stokes built up quite a reputation as an advocate for the black poor. This signaled to black voters that he did not represent a sell-out risk to the city’s political and business establishment. As the first black mayor of a major city, Stokes considered his election a logical extension of the civil rights movement. Upon taking office in 1967 he pledged to use his power to improve the lives of black Clevelanders through scattered-site public housing, a reformed police department, and increased job opportunities, undergirded by the total redevelopment of Cleveland's neglected inner-city. But in carrying out his political agenda Stokes faced considerable opposition. Throughout the course of his two-term four-year tenure Stokes was constantly opposed by a city council which blocked much of his legislative agenda, and an equally defiant police department which effectively resisted many of his reforms. Stokes also received consistent criticism from many members of the black middle-class who successfully contested Stokes' efforts to place public housing in their communities. Moreover, the black middle-class was also steady in its disapproval of Stokes' favorable relationship with local black nationalist figures. With these obstacles in 111 place Stokes was largely unsuccessful in achieving his political goals. He gained firsthand knowledge of the limits of black power. IV Dedicated to my parents ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would like to thank God for giving me the health and the strength to achieve my goal of receiving the Ph.D. I will forever be grateful to my adviser. Dr. Warren Van Tine, for having faith in me. In addition 1 would also like to thank Dr. Marshall F. Stevenson for his timely suggestions and criticisms. 1 also wish to thank other historians who nurtured my professional development: Professors Demoral Davis and Sheila Moore at Jackson State University, and Professors Joyce Thomas, James Borchert, Dillard Poole, and Donald Ramos at Cleveland State University. Also, I thank Samuel W. Black, who heads the African-American archives at the Western Reserve Historical Society. His knowledge of Cleveland's black community was always insightful. Next 1 would like to thank some of the best friends in the world. Jason, Sherwin, Dale, Ron, Dylan, Gary, Brandon, Barbara, Cecily, Pam, and Angela. All of you provided much needed encouragement and support when 1 needed it most. I am forever indebted to all of you. Also, 1 thank all the members of the Diop Historical Society. Lastly I would like to thank all the members of my family: Mom, Dad, San, Bev, Kevin D., Kev. Reggie, and Geoff. Thanks for everything. VI VITA July 24, 1971 Bom-Cleveland, OH May 1993 B.A. History Jackson State University Jackson, Mississippi June 1994 M.A. History Cleveland State University Cleveland, Ohio 1995-present Graduate Teaching Associate The Ohio State University FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: History Vll TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Dedication v Acknowledgments vi Vita vii Introduction 1 Part I: The Search for Power Chapter 1: The Growth and Development of a Black Urban Community, 11 1880-1940 Chapter 2: The Black Working-Class Response to the Institutionalization 45 of Urban Discrimination, 1940-1960 Chapter 3: The Rise of Carl B. Stokes and the Launching of Militant 102 Black Protest, 1960-1965 Chapter 4: Racial Violence and the Attainment of Power, 1966-1967 158 Part H: The Limits of Power Chapter 5: A Brief Honeymoon 209 Chapter 6: The Dual Nexus of Race and Politics 264 Chapter 7: Resurgence and Disappointment 307 Chapter 8: Council Wars 354 Conclusion 384 Bibliography 387 VllI INTRODUCTION This dissertation examines the growth and development of Cleveland's black community from 1945-1971. Part I, "The Search For Power," is essentially a community study of black Cleveland from 1945-1967, while Part II, “The Limits of Power," examines the historic mayoral career of Carl Burton Stokes. I The aftermath of World War II ushered in a period of severe change for Cleveland's black residents. Many of these changes were initiated by the second great migration of black migrants from the South to the North. Between 1940 and 1965, Cleveland's black population grew from 88,000 to over 250,000. This explosion in the black population forced black leaders to adopt strategies and tactics in its quest to enjoy the full measure of civil and human rights. Although black Clevelanders had a long history of protest, the conditions they faced in the post-World War H era required them to employ a more militant strategy as they faced problems in four noticeable areas: housing, education, police- community relations, and employment. By far the most critical issue of the period was housing. As whites escaped to the rapidly-developed suburbs, black Clevelanders were stuck in the decaying inner-city. Either through restrictive covenants, zoning, bank red-lining, or outright intimidation and violence, Cleveland's black residents were prevented from taking advantage of the post- World War n housing boom. Instead they were confined to many of the older areas of the city, where they were forced to pay exorbitant rents for rat and roach-infested dwellings. Along with suburban exclusion, black Clevelanders also suffered from an inept urban renewal plan initiated in the 1950s. In theory, the city was to designate blighted areas, clear the land, and seU the land to developers who were supposed to develop low-to- moderate income housing. Although many dwellings were razed, no new housing was ever built, and displaced residents were forced to settle into existing overcrowded areas, which laid the foundation for new slum areas to develop.