Civic Knighthood in the Early Renaissance: Leonardo Bruni's De militia (ca. 1420) The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Hankins, James. 2011. Civic knighthood in the Early Renaissance: Leonardo Bruni's De militia (ca. 1420). Working paper. Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:5473602 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA CIVIC KNIGHTHOOD IN THE EARLY RENAISSANCE LEONARDO BRUNI’S DE MILITIA (CA. 1420) In the comic tales of Franco Sacchetti, the trecento novellista, there is a story (no. 150) that shows with great vividness how Florentines of the early Renaissance viewed the knighthood of their time. A knight of the Bardi family has been chosen as a judge (podestà) in the city of Padua. He is a tiny man, unmilitary in his habits, and an indifferent horseman. To give himself a more impressive appearance, he decides to wear a magnificent crest on his helmet, consisting of a bear rampant with drawn claws and the motto: "Non ischerzare con l'orso, se non vuogli esser morso" (Don’t play games with the bear if you don’t want to be eaten). On his way to Padua, he passes through Ferrara, where in the main piazza by the prince's castle he is accosted by a gigantic German knight. The German, who is a bit tipsy, is incensed to see the diminutive Florentine bearing what he claims are his, the German's, own arms and so he challenges the Florentine to a duel. The Florentine, however, can see no point in coming to blows and arranges a deal through his seconds. “Let's settle this with florins and put honor aside, he says. If you want me to go on my way as I came, I'll be off right now; if you mean that I shouldn’t bear his crest, I swear by God’s holy angels that it’s mine and that I had it made in Florence by the painter Luchino and it cost me five florins; if he wants it, give me five florins and take the crest away.”1 The German, triumphant as though he'd conquered 1 Sacchetti, 474: “Or bene, rechiànla a fiorini, e l’onore stia da l’uno de’lati: se vuole che io vada a mio viaggio, come io c’entrai, io me n’andrò incontenente; se vuole dire che io non 1 a city, paid up willingly. The Bardi knight went off with his five florins to Padua, where he was able to purchase a new crest for only two florins, making a clear profit of three.2 This little piece of buffoonery gives us a good idea of what knighthood had come to mean in the minds of many Italians by the late fourteenth century. For the Florentine judge, his knighthood was an honor which gave him the opportunity to dress up in a dazzling costume. It was a piece of merchandise he had purchased; nothing more. He had no sense of shame at his lack of bellica virtus. Nor was he an isolated character, at least in the literary imagination. The theme of the decline of knighthood was, as a matter of fact, a common one in the literature of the period. In the Corbaccio of Giovanni Boccaccio the knights of the time are depicted as “poltroons spangled with pearls and draped in ermine, decked with gold spurs and sword with gilded hilt, yet with as little appreciation of true knighthood as the devil has of the cross.” The jurists were as acerbic as the novellists on the subject. Cino da Pistoia criticized “pseudo-knights who were immersed in their profits and scarcely knew how to gird on a sword.” 3 They enjoyed the prestige and privileges of knighthood without having any of the military responsibilities of the order. The historical reality, so far as we can reconstruct it, seems to correspond to the literary image. In Florence we hear of four-year-old children or old men on their deathbeds being made knights. During the tumult of the Ciompi in 1378 sixty-seven men were created porti il cimiero suo, io giuro su le sante Dio guagnele che’egli è mio e che io lo feci fare a Firenze a Luchino dipintore e costòmi cinque fiorini; se egli il vuole, mandimi fiorini cinque e tolgasi il cimiero.” 2 Sacchetti, 472-475. 3 Bayley, 206. 2 knights by the revolutionary workers in a single day.4 When the Ciompi revolt was put down and the oligarchy restored there was yet another orgy of knight-making: twenty-four new knights were created on 20 January 1382 at a single ceremony.5 Such mass creations were clearly political actions, not rewards for military virtue, as was shown many years ago by Gaetano Salvemini. The aim was to undermine or to strengthen the power of the Parte Guelfa, a conservative political society in Florence, which was also a societas militum to which knights automatically belonged by reason of their rank.6 A similar disregard for the military functions of knighthood is shown in the practice of awarding knighthood to men who were being sent on diplomatic missions; here the motive seems to have been to permit Florentine diplomats to cut a better figure abroad when representing their city. As late as 1419 we hear of a mass creation of twenty knights, the sole purpose of which was to enrich the spectacle of welcome for the solemn entry of Pope Martin V into Florence. It seems that the desire to have twenty Florentines dress up in crowns of olive leaves, green tunics sewn with pearls, gold sword, spurs and swordbelt, so as to welcome the Holy Father with greater splendor, was sufficient inducement for the Florentine government to debase the coinage of knighthood.7 But by 1419 things were changing; a reaction had set in. A movement was afoot in Florence to reform knighthood, and the Parte Guelfa was at the head of it. The Parte was an immensely wealthy and prestigious institution that occupied a curious semi-public, semi-private position in Florentine life. Unfriendly critics have compared its role to that of 4 Acciaiuoli, 25. 5 Salvemini, 113. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid., 189 (no. 77). 3 the Communist party in the old Soviet Union, but this is to overstate its influence if not its aspirations. It is certainly true that its leadership overlapped to a surprising extent with the oligarchic leadership of Florence, especially in the period 1382-1434, when that oligarchy was at the height of its power. Officially, the Parte's role was to guard against constitutional innovations. Less officially, it aimed to safeguard the position of old Florentine families and to minimize the influence of gente nuova, new men, in society and politics. It was also the institution charged with overseeing all activities relating to communal knighthood, i.e., the dignità cavalleresche conferred by the Comune of Florence on selected citizens. On feast days it organized the part of civic processions that featured knights. Every year on 28 July, the feast of St Victor, it organized a horse race at S. Felice in Piazza; on 9 October, on the feast of St Dionysius, it sponsored a joust in the Piazza Santa Croce. The latter two occasions celebrated Guelf victories over the Ghibelline city of Pisa. In addition, for citizens newly knighted by the commune, the Parte held lavish ceremonies in its own palace and attached buildings in Via delle Terme near Or San Michele.8 By 1413, there are signs that the Parte was taking active steps to reform knighthood and to renew its own tarnished image. In typical fashion, the Parte saw its task as one of excluding the “Ghibellines and peasants”, i.e. gente nuova, who had infiltrated its ranks. The dignity of knighthood was to be ennobled by taking it out of the hands of the unworthy. The movement of reform culminated in March of 1420, in the revision of the statutes of the Parte Guelfa. The new statutes were designed to ensure control over Parte affairs by the old Guelf families and to keep out gente nuova; they were also intended to prevent the indiscriminate 8 Brucker 1962; Brucker 1977; Zervas ; Brown, especially 104-108 on the attempted revival of the Parte in the period 1413-1434. 4 creation of communal knights that had disfigured the institution in the past.9 The statutes were revised by a commission of six Parte members, among whom was a man who had recently inherited a leading role in the Florentine oligarchy, Rinaldo di Maso degli Albizzi. The commission was aided in its work of drafting the new statutes by a former apostolic secretary to four popes, Leonardo Bruni of Arezzo, who had recently begun a new career in Florence as its official historian. The original codex containing the revised statutes survives; it was written, significantly, in the new littera antiqua of the humanists with an early humanistic vine-stem initial; the hand is identifiable as that of the humanist scribe Antonio di Mario, who copied a number of Bruni's works for Florentine patrons, including the dedication copy of Bruni's translation of the pseudo-Aristotelian Economics, made for Cosimo de’Medici in the very same year, 1420.10 The connection of Bruni and Albizzi is an interesting one, since in December of 1421, less than two years after the revision of the Parte Guelfa's statutes, Bruni dedicated to Albizzi a little treatise entitled De militia – a title which is best translated as On Knighthood.