COMMON KNOWLEDGE : THE VICTORIAN WORKING CLASS AND THE LOW ROAD TO SCIENCE, 1870-1900 ERIN K. MCLAUGHLIN-JENKINS A thesis submitted to the Faculiy of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirernents for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Programme in History York University North York, Ontario August 2001 National Libmy Bibliothèque nationale l*m of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 WeUington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaON KlAON4 OltawaON KlAûN4 canada canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Common Knowledge: The Victorian Working Class and the Low Road to Science, 1870-1900 by Erin McLaughlin-Jenkins a dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fulfillrnent of the requirementç for the degree of OOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Permission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF YORK UNIVERSITY to lend or seIl copies of this dissertation, to the NATIONAL LlBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this dissertation and to lend or seIl copies of the film, and to UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this dissertation. The author reserves other publication rights. and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission. ABSTRACT For late-century Victorians, science was everywhere part of the culture, but curront studies have mainly been concerned with the cultural elite, This dissertation looks beyond prosperous Victorians by examining working-class interests in science and the availability of scientific information for working men and women. Though no clear framework for this kind of analysis existed, uncovering scientific activity in working-class communities was not so much a matter of constructing an entirely new framework, as it was of recognizing working-class alternatives to middle- class methods and sources. This shift in focus emphasizes local opportunities created within working-class communities for the acquisition and study of scientific knowledge, allowing for varying degrees of difficulty and affordability. The forma1 middle-class "high road" of official schooling, expensive reading materials, and memberships in prestigious societies corresponds to what 1 have designated as "the Low road." The low road consisted of informal adult education, shaxed skills within families and comrnunities, the working-class press, borrowed or used reading materials, cheap pamphlets, free lectures, mutual aid and reading groups, local science clubs, political groups, and the challenging pursuit of autodidactic studies . In the final analysis, two questions needed to be answered. How did impoverished workers with little forma1 education obtain and comprehend scientific ideas, and what did workers want with science? This was the central task of this study, and its completion opens up the borders of the history of science as much as it adds new dimension to working-class history. Based largely on autobiographical testimony, organizational records, and the commercial and political press, evidence demonstrates that scientific ideas and practices were widely available as both common knowledge and serious pursuit. Science was, for many working-class Victorians, a fundamental component of leisure, self-improvement, and class emancipation through increased participation in the cultural, intellectual, and sometimes political, life of the nation. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation has benef ited f rom the helpful suggestions of David Vincent, Adrian Desmond, James R. Moore, Anne Secord, John Laurent, Suzanne Lemay-Shef field, Mary McRoberts, Stuart Macintyre, and Jim Paradis. 1 would also like to extend my appreciation to my cornmittee me-mbers, William D. Irvine and Craig Heron for their insightful comrnents, and to Diane Jenner, who served as the heart of the Graduate History Programme at York for many years. My research was assisted greatly by the archivists at Bishopsgate Institute, The Co-operative Archive in Manchester, the National Museum of Labour History, and the London School of Economics. 1 am also indebted to York University's efficient and congenial staff at the Faculty of Graduate Studies and the Resource Sharing department. I would especially like to thank my supervisor, Bernard Lightman, who has been both teacher and inspiration throughout my graduate studies. Finally, I wish to thank my son, Kealan, for sharing his youth with my dissertation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Acknowledgements Table of Contents vii Chapter 1: Introduction - Mapping the Terrain Chapter 2 : Taking the Low Road Chapter 3 : "The Tale Deserves to Be Generally Known" - Working-Class Intellectuals and the Quest for Science Chapter 4 : Common Knowledge - Popular Science and the Working-class Press Chapter 5: Science as Propaganda - The Siege on Scientific Capitalisrn Chapter 6: Conclusion - Highways, By-ways, and Crossroads Appendix Bibliography Chapter 1: Introduction - Mapping the Terrain Frank Hodges grew up in late Victorian England and worked as a pit-boy at the age of thirteen. In his autobiography, he recalled sneaking a copy of Shakespeare into the pit so that he could keep his mind occupied during his "lonely vigil" and read to his fellow worhen during breaks. Hodges' next book, after having read several of Shakespeare's plays, was Charles Darwin's The Origin of Species. The question is: what use did a coalminer have for Shakespeare or Charles Darwin? Even allowing for his interest in Shakespeare, how would a pit-boy have understood evolutionary theory and why did he describe the encounter as a "mental revolution"?' There is, at the moment, no historical framework for answering these questions. Working-class intellectual history is not exactly virgin territory, but it is still inexperienced. In the history of science, Victorian workers have received some ' Frank Hodges, My Adventures as a Labour Leader (London: George Newnes, 1924) 13-16. Frank Hodges (1887-1947), son of a farrner/miner, was born attention in the last twenty years, but these are localized studies of artisan culture and are not seen as representing the broader working-class cornrnunity- In nineteenth-centilry social and cultural history, working-class politics, living condit ions, religion, trade unionism, education, ând leisure have been documented, debated, and revised; yet, the intellectual life of the worker is often neglected. Intellectual studies are reserved for the middle-class leaders of working-class organizations, although the occasional proletarian qualifies. In the history of education, a similar story is told: the majority of working-class children did not become full-time participants in the school system until the twentieth century and so expectations of intellectual pursuits are confined to exceptional individuals. No doubt, the history of science has taken its cue from social and cultural history. Uneducated, overworked, impoverished, and surrounded by ignorance, what could labourers possibly want with science? Even if they had heard about it, how would they obtain and comprehend scientific ideas? Answering these questions requires a re-evaluation of working-class intellectual activity through an amalgamation of social and cultural history and the history of science. There are several compelling reasons for marking the years between 1870 and 1900 as an historical turning point for Britainrs workers in the context of dramatic changes in both society and science.- Thoilgh many local customs and traditional features of British society and culture survived, changes in population, occupational composition, politics, urbanization, class relations, communication, and transportation were significantly altering the cultural, social, and intellectual life of the nation. Between 1871 and 1901, the population of Great Britain rose frorn approximately 26 million to 37 million.' The number of For the main issues in the period 1870-1914, see Eric Hobsbawm, Workers: World of Labou~(New York: Pantheon, 1984) and The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicoison, 1987); Jose Harris, Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain, 1870-1914 (London: Penguin, 1994); Peter Mathias, The First Industrial Nation: An Economic History of Britain, 1700-1914 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969) Chapter 15, especially 404-17. The issue of empire in relation to nationalism, foreign trade, and research and development is an important one. Hobsbawm's Age of Empire is useful for trads and nationalisrn, and for technology, see Bruce 5. Hunt, "Doing Science in a Global Empire: Cable Telegraphy and Electrical Physics in Victorian Britain," Victorian Science in Context, ed. Bernard Lightman (London and Chicago: