Visualizing FASCISM This Page Intentionally Left Blank Julia Adeney Thomas and Geoff Eley, Editors

Visualizing FASCISM This Page Intentionally Left Blank Julia Adeney Thomas and Geoff Eley, Editors

Visualizing FASCISM This page intentionally left blank Julia Adeney Thomas and Geoff Eley, Editors Visualizing FASCISM The Twentieth- Century Rise of the Global Right Duke University Press | Durham and London | 2020 © 2020 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ∞ Designed by Julienne Alexander / Cover designed by Matthew Tauch Typeset in Minion Pro and Haettenschweiler by Copperline Books Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Eley, Geoff, [date] editor. | Thomas, Julia Adeney, [date] editor. Title: Visualizing fascism : the twentieth-century rise of the global right / Geoff Eley and Julia Adeney Thomas, editors. Description: Durham : Duke University Press, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers:lccn 2019023964 (print) lccn 2019023965 (ebook) isbn 9781478003120 (hardback : acid-free paper) isbn 9781478003762 (paperback : acid-free paper) isbn 9781478004387 (ebook) Subjects: lcsh: Fascism—History—20th century. | Fascism and culture. | Fascist aesthetics. Classification:lcc jc481 .v57 2020 (print) | lcc jc481 (ebook) | ddc 704.9/49320533—dc23 lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019023964 lc ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019023965 Cover art: Thomas Hart Benton, The Sowers. © 2019 T. H. and R. P. Benton Testamentary Trusts / UMB Bank Trustee / Licensed by vaga at Artists Rights Society (ARS), NY. This publication is made possible in part by support from the Institute for Scholarship in the Liberal Arts, College of Arts and Letters, University of Notre Dame. CONTENTS ■ Introduction: A Portable Concept of Fascism 1 Julia Adeney Thomas 1 Subjects of a New Visual Order: Fascist Media in 1930s China 21 Maggie Clinton 2 Fascism Carved in Stone: Monuments to Loyal Spirits in Wartime Manchukuo 44 Paul D. Barclay 3 Nazism, Everydayness, and Spectacle: The Mass Form in Metropolitan Modernity 69 Geoff Eley 4 Five Faces of Fascism 94 Ruth Ben- Ghiat 5 Face Time with Hitler 111 Lutz Koepnick 6 Seeing through Whiteness: Late 1930s Settler Photography in Namibia under South African Rule 134 Lorena Rizzo 7 Japan’s War without Pictures: Normalizing Fascism 160 Julia Adeney Thomas 8 Fascisms Seen and Unseen: The Netherlands, Japan, Indonesia, and the Relationalities of Imperial Crisis 183 Ethan Mark 9 Youth Movements, Nazism, and War: Photography and the Making of a Slovak Future in World War II (1939 – 1944) 211 Bertrand Metton 10 From Antifascism to Humanism: The Legacies of Robert Capa’s Spanish Civil War Photography 236 Nadya Bair 11 Heedless Oblivion: Curating Architecture after World War II 258 Claire Zimmerman ■ Conclusion 284 Geoff Eley Bibliography 293 ■ Contributors 317 ■ Index 321 INTRODUCTION A Portable Concept of Fascism Julia Adeney Thomas Gustave Courbet’s painting Burial at Ornans caused outrage when it was ex- hibited at the Paris Salon of 1850 –51 because it depicted ordinary people at an ordinary funeral. Instead of using artist models in sentimental, allegorical, or heroic guises, Courbet (1819 – 77) had persuaded the mourners attending his own great- uncle’s burial to pose for his monumental ten- by- twenty- two- foot canvas. Aghast critics recognized a revolution when they saw one, and Cour- bet proved them right — not only artistically by overturning Romanticism for Realism, but also politically by playing a leading role in the Paris Commune of 1870, an action that led to his imprisonment and ultimate exile to Geneva.1 As Courbet’s notoriety shows, in the nineteenth century the mere act of rep- resenting common people had a radical edge allied with liberal democratic, socialist, or anarchist movements. However, by the twentieth century the assumption that “the people” and “the Left” might be rough synonyms in art and in politics crashed against a new form of right- wing populism that claimed the people for itself. As historian Peter Clarke observes, “the novelty of Fascism was to politicize the masses from the right.”2 Right- wing populism’s novelty created a problem when its proponents tried to promote their politics visually. Fascism upended the Left’s exclusive claim to represent the people, but rejected its artistic experiments with form and subject matter. It discarded the traditional Right’s elite aesthetic tastes, but required a glorious vision of the nation. In short, fascism awkwardly visu- alized itself as neither avant- garde nor traditional, while poaching from both camps. It therefore confronted an unprecedented challenge when it came to self- depiction. It needed to create a new visual repertoire that avoided the leftist taint of high modernism and socialist realism without seeming to ca- pitulate to a rarified culture borne aloft by old aristocratic or new oligarchic tastes. How fascists around the world met — or, indeed, failed to meet — this aesthetic challenge is the focus of this volume. This book approaches the question of how fascism was visualized in two complementary and connected ways: as a global phenomenon and as an aes- thetic phenomenon. Both themes are interwoven throughout the essays. Here in the Introduction, I explore each theme separately before introducing my synthesis of the two — a portable concept of fascism. I then go on to delin- eate specific traits common to the global practice of visualizing fascism and end by underscoring the novelty of the twentieth- century rise of the global Right, a phenomenon impossible before colonial capitalism, socialism, and nation- states emerged. Global Fascism In arguing for fascism as a worldwide phenomenon, our work explores the rise of the Right during the interwar years as it emerged transnationally. This global approach is now possible because of new scholarship on interwar and wartime Asia, particularly Japan, that begins to balance previous research weighted heavily toward Europe.3 Indeed, until very recently fascism may have seemed European simply because Europe was the place historians stud- ied most intensively (outside their home countries), not only in the United States, Canada, and Britain but also in Japan.4 Our deepening understanding of Japan and its Asian imperialism is critical to grasping the transnational nature of the rise of the Right.5 It is now possible to argue, as literary scholar Alan Tansman does, that “Japan’s confrontation with modernity was coeval with Europe’s.” As Tansman observes, “the social, economic, and cultural conditions that gave birth to European fascism were also shared by Japan, and the solutions, through the state’s imposition of mythic thinking that ex- tolled natural bonds of blood and demanded devotion and sacrifice of the individual to the state, nation, or lineage, backed by coercion at home, in the name of domination of peoples of poorer bloodline abroad, made Japan 2 Julia Adeney Thomas one among other fascist nations.”6 In this volume, then, Japan figures promi- nently alongside the other Axis powers. As Asia comes more sharply into focus, it also becomes clear that fascism is not best understood by creating particularistic models that focus on single nations or by abstracting a Euro centric version of the populist Right and ap- plying it elsewhere. Three reasons support this contention. First, the forces of capitalism and imperialism operated globally. As Ethan Mark argues, envisioning the Second World War as a conflict among European nation- states and excluding Asia has created a “pervasive scholarly blind spot” about the degree to which “fascism was itself determined within a broader, long- term global context of competing imperialisms.”7 The excesses of capitalism, resting on uneven relations of power within and among nations, dissolved the bonds of communities at all levels and sowed despair and resentment around the world. Everywhere this led to similar reactions, including fascist tendencies. Second, better communication and faster travel increased the speed at which desires, discontents, and, especially for our purposes, aesthetic rep- ertoires were shared. For instance, modernist designs deployed by artists in the Soviet Union and in liberal democracies also figured on the cover of Shanghai’s fascist monthly Qiantu [The future], as Maggie Clinton shows in chapter 1. Beginning in the 1920s, regular airmail routes carried letters, publications, and news of all sorts, spreading ideas and innovative graphics like wildfire. People traveled more, too. By 1937 Britain’s Imperial Airways advertised its flight from Hong Kong to London as taking a mere ten days as opposed to a month by sea, although only the very rich could afford such diz- zying velocity. Most ocean- crossing travelers still embarked on ships, as did a mission of Italian Blackshirts who visited Japan in the spring of 1938.8 A year earlier, Nazi film director Arnold Fanck (1889 – 1974) had also made the jour- ney to Tokyo. So impressed was Fanck by actress Hara Setsuko (1920 – 2015) that he teamed up with Itami Mansaku (1900 – 1946) to cast her as the star in their coproduced film The New Earth (the Japanese version was titled Ata- rashiki tsuchi and the German version, Die Tochter des Samurai). The film ends with a celebration of Japan’s takeover of Manchuria. Such collabora- tions would obviously have been impossible a few decades earlier. Speed and connections were central to developing fascist visual tactics. Along with the forces of capitalism and communication, the third factor that compels a new understanding of global fascism is the key role colonies played as sites for producing right-

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