MASTERARBEIT / MASTER’S THESIS Titel der Masterarbeit / Title of the Master‘s Thesis „The Problematic of Implementing a Social Mixing Policy in the Process of an Urban Restructuring in a Marginalized Urban Neighbourhood and its Impact on Urban Governance - A Case Study of the Creative Destruction of La Duchère“ verfasst von / submitted by Richard Pfeifer, BA angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) Wien, 2018 / Vienna 2018 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt / A 066 656 degree programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt / Masterstudium DDP CREOLE-Cultural Differences degree programme as it appears on and Transnational Processes the student record sheet: Betreut von / Supervisor: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Ayse Çağlar Author’s Declaration Unless otherwise indicated in the text or references, or acknowledged above, this thesis is entirely the product of my own scholarly work. Any inaccuracies of fact or faults in reasoning are my own and accordingly I take full responsibility. This thesis, with the title, ‘The Problematic of Implementing a Social Mixing Policy in the Process of a profound Urban Restructuring in a marginalized Urban Neighbourhood and its Impact on Urban Governance - A Case Study of the Creative Destruction of La Duchère’ has not been submitted either in whole or part, for a degree at this or any other university or institution. Vienna, 12.04.2018 Eigenständigkeitserklärung Hiermit versichere ich, dass ich die vorliegende Masterarbeit selbstständig verfasst, andere als die angegebenen Quellen und Hilfsmittel nicht benutzt und mich auch sonst keiner unerlaubter Hilfe bedient habe, dass ich dieses Masterarbeitsthema bisher weder im In- noch im Ausland in irgendeiner Form als Prüfungsarbeit vorgelegt habe und dass diese Arbeit mit der vom Begutachter beurteilten Arbeit vollständig übereinstimmt. Wien, 12.04.2018 Acknowledgments I would like to sincerely thank everybody that helped me along my research and writing to accomplish my thesis. Especially I would like to thank Emilie Dauptain for her unconditional support and discussion throughout my research and writing. Special thanks also goes to Florian Rudaz and Gernot Rominger for being such good friends during that sometimes turbulent time and to my family: Anita Pfeifer, Karl and Gertrude Pfeifer and Johann Lebenbauer who gave me the support, time and courage to study within the discipline of Social Science. Finally, I have to greatly acknowledge Univ.-Prof. Dr. Ayse Caglar’s guidance and support for giving me the freedom to think and for carefully pushing my work in the right directions. Table of contents: Index of abbreviations ............................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 1. Methodology, methods and theoretical point of departure .............................................................. 5 1.1 Theoretical point of departure ....................................................................................................... 5 1.2 The Extended Case Method of Michael Burawoy......................................................................... 8 1.2.1 Burawoy’s Extanded Case Method: From Rhodesia to England to the U.S. ......................... 9 1.2.2 From reflexive science to practicing the Extended Case Method ........................................ 13 1.2.3 Methods applied: practicing ethnography ............................................................................ 15 2. La Duchère, contextualizing the place of research ............................................................................ 20 2.1 The demographic development of La Duchère ........................................................................... 27 2.2. The manifestations of the politique de la ville in La Duchère over the years ............................ 32 2.3 Zoning ......................................................................................................................................... 36 2.4 Overlooking the normalization of mixité sociale within the French urban policy - ................... 39 2.5 Participation and French urban policy ......................................................................................... 45 3 Mixité sociale - Relevant theories, key authors .................................................................................. 50 3.1 The history of social housing in France and its relation to the working classes ......................... 52 3.2 The immigrant working class and its relation to social housing in France ................................. 58 3.3 Mixité sociale, the republican antidote against the communitarian ghetto ................................. 60 Excurse : republicanism ................................................................................................................ 65 4. Empirical part .................................................................................................................................... 68 4.1 Mixité sociale as an exogeneous process .................................................................................... 70 4.2 Mixité sociale as endogenous dwelling ....................................................................................... 81 4.2.1 Resistance against urban restructuring: The barre 260 ......................................................... 82 4.2.2 Communities of interest: residents-collectives ..................................................................... 85 4.2.3 The social space of mixité sociale: a contact zone? .............................................................. 87 4.3 Urban governance and mixité sociale .............................................................................................. 92 5. Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 94 Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. 97 Bibliography .......................................................................................................................................... 98 Online sources ................................................................................................................................. 112 Official documents .......................................................................................................................... 114 Appendix ......................................................................................................................................... 115 Index of abbreviations ANRU: Agence Nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine CDV: Contrat de Ville CIV: Comité Interministériel des Villes CNDSQ: Commission Nationale du Développement Social des Quartiers DIV: Délégation Interministérielle à la Ville DSQ: Développement Social des Quartiers FSU: Fédération Syndicale Unitaire FAS: Fonds d'Action Sociale pour les travailleurs musulmans d'Algérie en métropole et pour leur famille FLN: Front de Libération Nationale FN: Front National FMA: Français Musulmans originaires d’Algérie GPV: Grand Projet de la Ville GTI: Groupe de Travail Inter-quartier HLM: Habitation à Loyer Modéré LOF: Loi d’Orientation Foncière LOV-Law: Loi d’Orientation pour la Ville NPRU: Nouveau Programme de Renouvellement Urbain (former ANRU) OPAC: Office Public d’Aménagement et de Construction PLH: Plan Local de l’habitat PLU: Plan Local d’Urbanisme QP: Quartier Prioritaire SERL: Société d’Équipement du Rhône et de Lyon SRU- Law: Loi relative à la Solidarité et aux Renouvellements Urbains ZAC: Zone d’Aménagement Concerté ZFU: Zone Franche Urbaine ZUP: Zone à Urbaniser en Priorité ZUS: Zone Urbaine Sensible Introduction Is violence coming back into the intimate social relations where “civilisation” had long been maintained as a modern society’s organizing principle? Is the ongoing dis-embedding of social relations within globalized neoliberalism producing “hyper-ghettos” for a penalized “underclass”? These were the first questions I had in mind after an admittedly short but intensive reading of Zygmunt Bauman’s thought on “liquid modernity” (Bauman 1996, Bauman 2000, Bauman 2001b) and a re-stablishing intimate form of violence at the heart of post-modern social formation. It is here that a long journey started; a journey that became my subject of research. It led me to search for answers, not through philosophical deliberation, but rather through the empirical domain of that social world of which Bauman’s theory is inspired. As I am not educated as an economist, historian, human geographer or sociologist, it was clear that for me this question had to be confronted in line with my training: In an ethnographic way. Hence, I was to work with the real people, within their real places and in their time. Starting from a theoretical investigation into liquid modernity my fieldwork was carried out as an Extended Case Method (ECM) as developed by Michael Burawoy (Burawoy et al. 1991; Burawoy 2009; 1998) . The ECM is about theory testing and theory reconstructing by using ethnography as a method. According to the ECM, every empirical case functions as an abnormal case that