Daher, Joseph (2015) Hezbollah : a historical materialist analysis. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23667 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Hezbollah, a Historical Materialist Analysis Joseph Daher Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2015 Department of Development SOAS, University of London 1 Declaration for SOAS PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the SOAS, University of London concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work, which I present for examination. Signed: ________________________ Date: _________________ 2 Abstract This research aims at giving a comprehensive overview and understanding of the Lebanese party Hezbollah. Previous research on Hezbollah has typically focused on one or two aspects of the party’s identity, usually the military question, or has concentrated solely on the organisation’s religious discourse. This thesis presents an alternative perspective, using a historical materialist analysis to situate an understanding of Hezbollah in socio-economic and political developments in Lebanon and the wider region. To this end, the thesis begins by explaining the establishment of Hezbollah, proceeding then to the party’s development vis-à-vis the political situation in Lebanon and in the region. Particular focus is placed on Hezbollah’s historic ties with its main sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran – ties that have remained strong from the founding of the party until today. Situated in this narrative, the thesis analyses how neoliberal policies in Lebanon following the Lebanese Civil War – and the associated socio-economic evolution of the Shi’a population – influenced Hezbollah’s popular constituency and outlook. The ability of Hezbollah to build a hegemonic position within Lebanese Shi’a areas through its media and cultural wings, and use of arms, is examined. Later chapters critically analyse the party’s policies towards workers’ struggles, women’s issues, and its orientation towards the sectarian Lebanese political system. Through this analysis, the thesis provides a holistic approach to Hezbollah – an analysis with important implications for understanding Islamic political movements more generally. 3 Table of contents - Acknowledgement Introduction - Chapter Outline 17 - Methodology 20 Chapter 1: Theoretical Perspectives: Understanding Hezbollah and Political Islam 1.1 Introduction 22 1.2 Islamic political movements: An Arab Mode of 23 Resistance? 1.3 Hezbollah: a Pragmatic Political Party 30 1.4 Critical Perspectives 32 1.5 Theoretical Framework of this Thesis 43 Chapter 2: Sectarianism and the Lebanese Political Economy: Hezbollah’s Origins 2.1 Introduction 55 2.2 Lebanon’s Early History 57 2.3 1945-1975: From Independence to Civil War 63 2.4 Class and Sectarian Divisions 67 2.5 The Lebanese Civil War 1975-1990 71 4 2.6 Hezbollah’s Establishment 79 2.7 Conclusion 89 Chapter 3: Hezbollah and the Political Economy of Lebanese Neoliberalism 3.1 Introduction 92 3.2 Neoliberalism in Lebanon 93 3.3 Social Outcomes of Neoliberalism in Lebanon 100 3.4 Hezbollah Changing Attitude towards the 103 Sectarian State 3.5 Hezbollah’s Response to Neoliberal Reform 112 3.6 Municipal Policies, the Case of Ghobeyri 120 3.7 Lebanon’s House Rent Policy 123 3.8 The Bekaa Valley 127 3.9 Conclusion 132 Chapter 4 Lebanese Class Structure under Neoliberalism 4.1 Introduction 135 4.2 Sunni/Christian Business Elites in the 136 Neoliberal Period 4.3 Poverty and Lebanon’s Sectarian Mix 140 4.4 Mapping the Shi’a fraction of the Bourgeoisie 146 4.5 Hezbollah’s Own Economic Development 151 4.6 The Changing Character of Hezbollah’s Social 155 Base 5 4.7 Conclusion 159 Chapter 5: Hezbollah and Shi’a Civil Society 5.1 Introduction 161 5.2 Hezbollah’s Structure and Relationship to 164 Civil Society 5.3 Social Support Activities of Hezbollah 167 5.4 Mosques, Hawzât and Religious Institutions 173 5.5 Media and Production of Culture 177 5.6 Education and Youth 185 5.7 Hâla Islâmiyya: Consent and Coercion 188 5.8 Gendering Hegemony: The Role of Women 195 in Hezbollah’s Worldview 5.9 Conclusion 200 Chapter 6: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Labour Movement 6.1 Introduction 203 6.2 Labour Mobilisation: From the Civil War to the 204 1990s Strike Wave 6.3 Demobilisation and Cooption 208 6.4 Hezbollah’s Intervention in the Labour Movement 210 6.5 A Renewal of Labour Struggles: 2004-2013 213 6.6 Alternative Labour Movements in Lebanon? 221 6.7 Conclusion 227 6 Chapter 7: Hezbollah’s Military Apparatus 7.1 Introduction 229 7.2 Hezbollah Military Apparatus and Organisation 230 a) Islamic Resistance 231 b) Security Organ Unit 232 c) External Security Apparatus (ESA) 235 7.3 Hezbollah and Armed Resistance 237 7.4 The Arms of the “Resistance” Against Rival 240 Lebanese Actors a) The May 2008 Conflict 241 7.5 The Military Intervention in Syria 245 7.6 Consequences of Hezbollah’s Intervention 251 in Syria: Rising Insecurity and Sectarianism 7.7 Conclusion 254 Conclusion - The Sectarian State 258 - Ideology 261 - Counter Society? Features of Hezbollah’s 263 Hegemonic Project - Alternative Paths 265 Annex: Shi’a fraction of the bourgeoisie 268 Bibliography 277 7 Acknowledgements I am very much indebted in the writing of this work to my family (my parents, my brother and my wife) for their support and love through these past years. I would like to thank especially my mother Juliet and my wife Paola, who supported and encouraged me constantly in my work. They took time to help and assist me whenever I needed it. Their presence and support played an important role in time of uncertainty and irritations. I owe them a lot. I would also like to mention and thank my daughter Yara who without knowing it calmed me down in times of stress by her presence and lovely smile. I also owe a debt of gratitude to my two direct supervisors Dr. Adam Hanieh and Professor Gilbert Achcar. I really thank them for their assistance, comments and time in these past years to help me complete this work. They were always available when I needed it. Their precious advices and support have truly touched me and have guided this work. I would also like to thank for the help given by my friends of the Socialist Forum during my year in Lebanon and after in my research, especially Walid Daou, Camille Dagher, Ghassan Makarem, Farah Kobeissi and the late Bassem Chiit. I would like to pay tribute through this thesis to Bassem who passed away in October 2014. His activism and writings were inspirational. I finally would like to dedicate this book to my father Nicolas, who passed away in September 2014, with all my love and gratitude. He always has been a true inspiration for me and continues to be in my daily life. His great humanism, large heart, generosity, courage, honesty, humour, knowledge, etc… have very much influenced me in my various activities and works. By dedicating this book to him, I cannot but also dedicate this book to the people of Syria, where our family is orginaly from, whom have suffered enmormously since the beginning of the revolutionary process in March 2011 of massive destructions and displacements and grave human rights violations. My deep thoughts are with them. 8 Introduction Lebanon has long formed an important crossroads of the Arab world. Following World War I, the country was governed as a separate province known as Greater Lebanon under the French Mandate of Syria, only achieving independence in 1943. Since that time, Lebanon has been distinctively characterised by a formalised sectarian political system, which apportions representation between the key religious sects in the country – Maronite and various Christian denominations, Sunni and Shi’a Islam, and Druze. Today, Lebanon's main political forces are gathered in two key political fronts largely connected to these sects: the March 14 Alliance and the March 8 Alliance. The former unites the Sunni-based Future Movement (Tayyâr al-Mustaqbal), the Druze- based Progressive Socialist Party, and two Maronite Christian parties: the Lebanese Forces (al-Quwât al-Lubnâniyya) and Lebanese Phalanges (al-Kataeb al- Lubnâniyya). The latter brings together the Shi'a based Hezbollah and Amal parties and the Maronite Christian Free Patriotic Movement (Tayyâr al-Watani al-Hurr). 1 Within this sectarian system, much of the political debate in Lebanon has focused on the role of Hezbollah and the status of its extensive armed capabilities.2 Hezbollah was formed in 1985 during a period of intense political crisis characterised by Lebanese Civil War and the invasion of Lebanon by Israel in 1982. It was established as an Islamic political group, based in Shi’a-populated areas in Lebanon, with an emphasis on armed resistance against Israel.