Reviews the phrase Universal Man to sum them sensibilities – even though he often Heath abandoned his antipathy to ‘lame up. Keynes was not a man for all times articulated radical notions and endorsed ducks’ by, in effect, nationalising Rolls nor was he a man for all places. He was unconventional morals. It is hard to Royce within five months of taking most certainly a multi-faceted and imagine that such a prominent public office. Benn later enjoyed describing multi-talented human being (surely figure could, in twenty-first-century the Labour Party programme of 1972 as Davenport-Hines’ object in deploying Britain, have enjoyed the degree of ‘The most radical and comprehensive the term universal), but Keynes was also freedom Keynes enjoyed from media programme ever produced by the an Englishman, and an Englishman curiosity and intrusion. Labour Party’, which guaranteed from a particular era. Keynes was an This is a book about a truly a great embarrassment to the then Edwardian Englishman. He was – as we remarkable man, not a renaissance man deputy leader, Roy Jenkins. According all are – a product of his place and his or a superman or even a universal man. to Harold Wilson, Jenkins held the times, even if he was often at odds with I thoroughly recommend it as a most ‘lead position’ as the putative leader England’s insularity and conservatism. enjoyable and informative read. of the party to follow Wilson until his He was the champion of an ethical resignation from the deputy leadership outlook that was the very antithesis of Ed Randall is a retired academic and and from the Shadow Cabinet in April values that had come to be associated former Liberal Democrat councillor. His 1972. There is long detail on the on the with Victorian Britain, the world into publications include A Union for Health: events leading up to his resignation, with which he had been born. But Keynes’ Strengthening the European Union’s role Wilson undermining him by changing embrace of individualism, his love in health; Food, Risk and Politics: Scare, his mind over a referendum on the of the arts and support for the avant- scandal and crisis – insights into the risk Common Market. garde, rarely meant he was rejected by politics of food safety; How and How Not all those on the right of the his English peers and contemporaries, Not to Face the Future: A response to the party were followers of Jenkins: there or that he rejected them. They appear Liberal Democrats’ Facing the Future. were some who hankered after Antony to have accepted him as the possessor of He was joint editor of the Dictionary of Crosland, but he never stirred himself to a fine English soul and of great English Liberal Thought with Duncan Brack. follow up his seminal book, The Future of Socialism, and thus disappointed his acolytes. Bill Rodgers – later the most effective operator of the SDP’s ‘Gang of Four’ – applied his organisational and ‘fixing’ skills to the Campaign for Social democracy versus socialism Democratic Socialism in an attempt to make Jenkins’ role more effective. Patrick Bell, The Labour Party in Opposition 1970–1974 (Routledge, It is interesting that the Liberals do 2016) not rate even a footnote in this narrative. In different circumstances, such as Review by Michael Meadowcroft during the Lib–Lab Pact of 1977–8, the Liberals might have had influence erceptions of how a party copes and hegemonic socialism were as a second opposition party making with the years of opposition planted during its time in opposition. life more difficult for Edward Heath. Pusually rely on statements, The balance of power within the However, the Liberals had polled just interviews and its efforts to present a party shifted significantly from the 7.5 per cent at the 1970 general election, favourable and united front, illuminated parliamentary party to the membership from time to time by leaks and and, often separately, to the major trade lobbying by dissidents. The value of an unions. Patrick Bell painstakingly traces examination of the Opposition through the movement in policy via papers a specific parliament is that, if rigorous, prepared for the national executive it draws aside the curtain and exposes committees and, finally, to the party the factions and tensions. Patrick Bell conference. With the accession of Jack has done a very thorough job of trawling Jones to the leadership of the Transport through all the available committee & General Workers’ Union – the largest papers and interviewing key individuals. in the country – and with Hugh Scanlon The result is that the reader gets a vivid heading up the engineering workers picture of the deep left–right split at all union, there were powerful figures on levels of the party and the great skill of the left of the party who were ready and Harold Wilson as leader in keeping the able to demonstrate their clout by going whole show on the road. Bell also shows direct to the party conference with their how senior staff at Labour headquarters block votes rather than participate in the were themselves partisan and on occasion deliberative committee process. resorted to somewhat underhand Tony Benn’s skilful manoeuvring tactics in the preparation and timing of as de facto leader of the left is traced documents in order to pursue their views. through his attention to committee The roots of the struggle within the detail and his ability to produce the Labour Party between social democracy apposite excoriating phrase, as when Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 41 Reviews LI and preparing for his eventual return Liberal Democrat History Group online to office in 2010. Lendvai chronicles all his splits Website with former friends and colleagues, his Details of our activities and publications, guides to archive sources, research resources, embracing of the church as a former and a growing number of pages on Liberal history: www.liberalhistory.org.uk atheist, his steady garrotting of free newspapers and broadcast media, his Email ending of an independent judiciary, Join our email mailing list for news of meetings and publications – the fastest and his anti-refugee rhetoric and successful earliest way to find out what we’re doing. Fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail. manipulation of the electoral system Facebook page and the country’s constitution. He cites News of the latest meeting and publications, and a discussion forum: his popular football following with www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup. the dry comment that Orbán ‘always wanted to be the referee, the linesman, Twitter the centre-forward and the goalkeeper A daily posting of Liberal events on this day in history. Follow us at: LibHistoryToday. all at once.’ He also quotes his Hungarian biographer as being ‘a man who almost automatically believes in the veracity of electing only six MPs. They hardly party’s poll rating overnight. This was whatever he considers to be politically figured on the electoral scene, slowly followed by gains in Sutton and Cheam, useful to him’ (reminds me of a current clambering up to 10 per cent in the polls Ripon, the Isle of Ely and Berwick. cabinet minister here!) and an American by April 1972, but dropping back to These pushed the poll rating up to 28 political scientist describing his strategy 8 per cent in October 1972. Less than per cent, but, with the lack of winnable as ‘a highly centralised, partially illiberal eighteen months later, at the February seats thereafter, it slipped back to 20 per democracy, which systematically 1974 general election, the Liberals polled cent immediately before the February undermines the structures of checks and 19.3 per cent – equivalent to some 23 per 1974 general election. On such electoral balances’. cent if all the seats had been contested. vagaries do the Liberal Party’s fortunes The author clearly has come to hate What transformed the party into such depend! his subject – his detailing of financial an influential force? It was simply a run manipulation is one thing, but his hints of by-election successes starting with Michael Meadowcroft was MP for Leeds at personal corruption lack substance. Cyril Smith winning Rochdale in late West, 1983–87. What is especially sad is that Orbán, October 1972, almost doubling the who began his climb of the ladder with a Soros scholarship, has now run a virulent campaign against George Soros and his endowed Central European University. Altogether this is an alarming, worrying and illuminating tale. From liberal to authoritarian David Steel (Lord Steel of Aikwood) was MP Paul Lendvai, Orbán: Europe’s New Strongman (C. Hurst & Co., 2017) for Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles / Tweeddale, Review by David Steel Ettrick & Lauderdale 1965–97, and Leader of the Liberal Party 1976–88. his new biography of Hungary’s prime minister outlines his Liberal International (LI) in Budapest Ttransition from young Liberal in 1993. Shortly afterwards, I was firebrand, in 1989 demanding the president of LI and hosting a meeting removal of all Russian troops, to the of the organisation’s bureau at home present-day right-wing autocratic ruler in Aikwood Tower in my Scottish of his country and pal of President Putin. Borders constituency. We took over the It is an astonishing story, told here in next-door farmhouse to accommodate remarkable detail. some of them, but in the tower we had I first met Orbán together with Lambsdorff and the prime ministers his young Fidesz party colleagues of the Netherlands and Iceland. I told in the dying days of the communist Orbán that, as he was both the youngest regime. They were an attractive and the smallest, he would have to make and idealistic bunch and duly joined do with the sofa bed in my study.