In the Wakes of Rodney King: Militant Evidence and Media Activism in the Age of Viral Black Death Ryan Watson The Velvet Light Trap, Number 84, Fall 2019, pp. 34-49 (Article) Published by University of Texas Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/732636 Access provided at 7 Sep 2019 14:14 GMT from Misericordia University IN THE WAKES OF RODNEY KING Militant Evidence and Media Activism in the Age of Viral Black Death BY RYAN WATSON ABSTRACT This essay explores the historical and critical legacy of the Rodney King tape, namely, its transformation of the concerns of the field of documentary studies in the turn toward “visible evidence” in the 1990s. This turn privileged the power of visibility, particularly in radical and activist practices, but visibility is a fraught concept for mi- nority subjects. I argue for an approach called “militant evidence” as an expanded and updated framework for media activism and the use of visible evidence. In this formulation, accumulated visible evidence is deployed within larger media and activ- ist ecologies toward an abolition of police violence. The law raised up his stick And beat the living hell Out of me! Now, I do not understand Why God don’t protect a man From police brutality. Being poor and black, I’ve no weapon to strike back So, who but the Lord Can protect me? —Langston Hughes, “Who but the Lord?” (1947) N MARCH 4, 1991, THE LOS ANGELES LOCAL NEWS STATION KTLA BROADCAST A serendipitously shot, grainy video of twenty-six-year-old African American Rodney King Obeing horrifically beaten by a group of LA police officers. In the early 1990s the King tape, recorded by George Holliday on his personal camcorder, was rare in that police violence often went unrepresented and most people did not own video cameras that could capture such visible evidence. In 2019 cell phones with cameras are everywhere—the average person is mere seconds from capturing and disseminating images and video with a few swipes and taps. Footage of police killings or abuse that is posted to social media often circulates instantaneously. The vast majority of this footage is citizen-captured cell phone videos, but there are also a variety of streams, police body and dashboard cameras, surveillance footage, photographs, and other forms of documentary media. They have become so routine that in 2017 news outlets, including theNew York Times, began cataloging the staggering amount of footage collected in just the prior three years portraying DOI: 10.7560/VLT8404 34 THE VELVET LIGHT TRAP NUMBER 84 FALL 2019 © 2019 by the University of Texas Press routine basis across a convergence of personal screen devices and platforms. While in the 1990s the King tape played in mass broadcast across twenty-four-hour cable networks and local news, today’s videos circulate in a social media–based, narrowcast environment, as well as in the aforementioned traditional news venues. On upload sites like YouTube or streaming on Facebook Live, documentary media of police violence and viral black death is framed by (often racist) comments and/or algorithmically chosen suggestions for viewing similar footage. These frames decontextualize the videos and streams in time, space, and narrative, evacuating them of their excesses of affective and effective power.5 A recent exchange between media studies scholar Alexandra FIGURE 1. Screenshot from the Rodney King tape, recorded by George Holliday and broadcast on KTLA in 1991. Juhasz and cultural critic Kimberly Fain touched on two of the main ethical concerns about the specific practices of the endemic, systematized killing and assault of black and looking at these forms of documentary media. On the one brown people at the hands of the police.1 In fact, a recent hand, there is a desire to acknowledge, ally, and vehemently study found that 8 percent of male homicides are committed fight against but not look at the spectacle of black death and by the police, with nonwhites, particularly black men, at the abuse, while on the other, there is an obligation to look and greatest risk of being killed.2 Each piece of captured visible confront the material realities of black lives, as Fain asserts, evidence posted to social media and/or shown on television to “#staywoke and look,” because recorded encounters with is sickening and rage-inducing but also, due to the sheer vol- force can beget forced encounters with systemic problems.6 ume, eventually iterative and anesthetizing, so much so that At the same time, radical documentary and other nonfic- it has ceased to become national news when another video is tion activist media practices have long sought to use what uploaded or live-streamed.3 There are also countless unseen was dubbed “visible evidence” by documentary film scholars instances when visible evidence is destroyed at the scene or after the release of the King tape in the 1990s as a tool to censored online. Nevertheless, the digital age has produced engender social and political transformation rooted in the a deluge of new visible evidence, and police brutality is not potency of realism and visibility.7 Yet we are currently drown- only still common but often delicately adjudicated, if at all. ing in realism and the visibility of any number of horrors. In The existence of visible evidence in individual cases has done this environment of media saturation, momentary virality, little to spur accountability and justice in US courts. and judicial indifference, how do images come to have last- Further, as many scholars have noted, there is a funda- ing power? How can we use documentary media to spark mental tension at the core of looking at visible evidence of and sustain radical changes rather than simply circulating black death and abuses because the display and dehumaniza- and dissecting dehumanizing footage?8 In a new cultural, tion of African American bodies have a long and infamous technological, activist, and social milieu and in the wake of history in the United States. From slave patrols (the origin a multitude of shootings since Oscar Grant in 2009, docu- of modern policing in the United States), lynch mobs, and mentary studies requires a new term to engage a new set of the murder of Emmett Till to the protests in Ferguson in issues, what I call “militant evidence.” 2015, black visuality and the policing of black and brown The “militant” aspect of the term refers to unyielding, bodies are deeply imbricated within racist systems and dis- nonviolent struggle on the part of ordinary people who courses of law, power, surveillance, and white supremacy.4 film and intervene in their world, work within larger media In addition, footage of police abuse and killings circulate as activist endeavors, and are catalyzed by militant evidence. viral and networked documentary media images and can It is also an extension of and link to what Kodwo Eshun and appear without warning in social media feeds. These types Ros Gray refer to as the “militant image,” which they define of images used to be rare, but we now confront them on a as “any form of image or sound . produced in and through NUMBER 84 FALL 2019 THE VELVET LIGHT TRAP 35 film-making practices dedicated to liberation struggles and productive rebellion. This framework and purview are revolutions of the late twentieth century,” a sentiment that necessary for reclaiming the meaning, power, and activist genealogically links today’s capture of militant evidence with reframing of today’s documentary media, depicting viral a rich tradition of global liberation and activist histories.9 black death and abuse from the evacuations of meaning and Further, it foregrounds the legacies of state violence that force rendered by networked circulation and in traditional militant evidence is being mobilized to dismantle as a coun- media and official judicial settings. terforce to state power. In this formulation, the camera is not Imagine a still, glassy lake in front of you. If you were to a weapon or gun, a common analogy in transnational radical throw a small pebble toward it, the pebble would enter a free documentary history, but rather a productive tool of rebel- fall and pierce the surface of the water. This violent eruption lion embedded among other technologies of representation of force onto the placid surface sends ever larger ripples in within larger media ecologies. Within these ecologies, affec- every direction across the lake. If you think of the videos tive and effective evidence is wielded toward the abolition and other media as brutal, affective, evidentiary forces, they of injustices, as the catalyst for protest, for counterarchives are the pebbles in this analogy. The ripples, the effects and and digital databases, as content for digital mapping, and affects generated by force, slowly expand to form a version (rarely successfully) for adjudication and justice in official of what scholar of black visual studies Christina Sharpe has venues. The “evidence” component refers to both its effective recently called “wakes”—histories, processes, and conscious- and its affective uses. The effective form of evidence attests nesses that must be seen and accounted for as they form to the fact that something has occurred and can be used in the basis for new collectivities and action.11 That is what official venues or as part of larger advocacy campaigns. The needs to be considered, the wakes in every direction, across affective components stem from a desire to generate and ac- communities, harnessed for resistance, counterarchives, cumulate affective evidence and to move others into actions counternarratives, judicial and extrajudicial structures of and practices against state violence. In this formulation, the accountability, and solidarity across groups.