A foot-based typology of tonal reassociation Perspectives from synchrony and learnability Published by LOT phone: +31 30 253 6111 Trans 10 3512 JK Utrecht e-mail: [email protected] The Netherlands http://www.lotschool.nl ISBN: 978-94-6093-287-8 NUR: 616 Copyright c 2018 Jeroen Mark Wouter Breteler. All rights reserved. A foot-based typology of tonal reassociation Perspectives from synchrony and learnability ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. dr. ir. K.I.J. Maex ten overstaan van een door het College voor Promoties ingestelde commissie, in het openbaar te verdedigen in de Agnietenkapel op woensdag 30 mei 2018, te 14:00 uur door Jeroen Mark Wouter Breteler geboren te Utrecht Promotiecommissie: Promotores: prof. dr. P.P.G. Boersma Universiteit van Amsterdam prof. dr. R.W.J. Kager Universiteit Utrecht Overige leden: prof. dr. A.P. Versloot Universiteit van Amsterdam prof. dr. E.O. Aboh Universiteit van Amsterdam dr. G. Jarosz University of Massachusetts Amherst prof. dr. L.S. Bickmore University at Albany prof. dr. J. Trommer Universit¨atLeipzig dr. T.O. Lentz Universiteit van Amsterdam Faculteit: Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen The research presented in this dissertation was funded by a grant from the graduate program of the Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics (LOT), who received the funds from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) in the context of the project \Language | from cognition to communication" (NWO project number 022.004.015). Contents List of Tables . ix List of Figures . xiii Acknowledgements . xv Author Contributions . xxiii 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Theoretical typology . .1 1.2 Crosslinguistic variation in tonal reassociation . .2 1.3 Previous work on tonal reassociation typology . .4 1.4 A framework for foot{tone interactions . .6 1.4.1 Layered feet . .6 1.4.2 Licensing constraints . .7 1.4.3 Harmonic Serialism . .8 1.5 Outline of the dissertation . 10 1.5.1 Chapter 2: Saghala case study . 11 1.5.2 Chapter 3: Copperbelt Bemba case study . 11 1.5.3 Chapter 4: Typology . 11 1.5.4 Chapter 5: Learning Simulations . 12 2 Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serial- ism: The case of Saghala 13 2.1 Introduction . 14 2.2 A foot-based approach in Harmonic Serialism . 16 2.2.1 Layered feet . 17 2.2.2 Constraints . 18 2.2.3 Harmonic Serialism . 21 2.2.4 Example: Binary tone shift using feet in Harmonic Serialism 23 2.3 Saghala tone . 26 2.4 A foot-based HS analysis of Saghala tone . 31 2.4.1 The relationship between foot and word . 31 2.4.2 Constraint ranking and definitions . 32 2.4.3 Derivations . 36 vi 2.4.4 Summary . 51 2.5 Discussion . 52 2.5.1 Finding acoustic evidence for foot structure in Saghala . 52 2.5.2 Alternative OT approaches to Bantu bounded tone . 52 2.5.3 Analyses with binary or flat ternary feet . 55 2.5.4 Tone{foot constraints and headedness . 56 2.6 Conclusion . 57 3 Layered feet and syllable-integrity violations in Copperbelt Bemba bounded tone spread 59 3.1 Introduction . 60 3.2 Ternarity in Copperbelt Bemba bounded tone spreading . 64 3.2.1 Ternarity and quantity sensitivity . 65 3.2.2 Falling tones . 66 3.2.3 Analysis: autosegmental vs. metrical . 67 3.3 Problems for Weak Layering . 70 3.4 A layered feet account of Bemba ternarity . 72 3.4.1 Layered feet . 72 3.5 Towards a typology of syllable-integrity violations . 74 3.5.1 Syllable-integrity violations in Optimality Theory . 75 3.6 Discussion . 78 3.6.1 SIVs and multiply stressed syllables . 78 3.6.2 Boundary hopping: A binary feet alternative . 79 3.6.3 Syllable integrity and tone (near-)contact . 80 3.6.4 Implications for theories with featural domains . 82 3.6.5 Vowels before pre-nasalized consonants . 84 3.7 Conclusion . 85 4 Factorial typologies of foot-based tonal reassociation in Har- monic Serialism 87 4.1 Introduction . 87 4.2 Data . 93 4.3 Theoretical framework . 97 4.3.1 Layered feet . 97 4.3.2 Harmonic Serialism . 98 4.3.3 Constraints on feet . 100 4.3.4 Tone association with a licensing approach . 101 4.3.5 Edgewise tone association . 106 4.3.6 Using layered feet . 112 4.3.7 Summary . 115 4.4 Typology . 118 4.4.1 Methodology for the factorial typologies . 118 4.4.2 Typological predictions of the licensing framework . 120 4.4.3 Typological predictions of the edgewise framework . 126 4.4.4 Summary . 130 vii 4.5 Discussion . 132 4.5.1 Non-phonological restrictions on attestation . 132 4.5.2 Quaternary patterns . 133 4.5.3 Predicted absences of functionally composed patterns . 135 4.5.4 Licensing feet with tone . 136 4.5.5 Contexts with multiple High tones . 138 4.6 Conclusion . 140 5 Learning hidden metrical and tonal structure and lexical forms with GLA 143 5.1 Introduction . 144 5.2 Data: Tonal reassociation patterns . 148 5.3 Analysis . 150 5.3.1 Tone licensing and structural markedness . 150 5.3.2 Additions to the constraint set . 152 5.3.3 Serial and parallel typology . 154 5.4 Methods . 157 5.4.1 Morpheme forms and lexical constraints . 157 5.4.2 Inputs and target behavior . 159 5.4.3 Constructing Gen ..................... 161 5.4.4 Bi-directional learning with Robust Interpretive Parsing 163 5.4.5 Learning procedure . 165 5.5 Results . 167 5.5.1 Calculation of convergence rates . 167 5.5.2 Convergence rates for all patterns . 168 5.5.3 Learning failures for attested unbounded patterns . 169 5.5.4 Learning failures for non-target patterns . 172 5.6 Discussion . 177 5.6.1 Comparison to unidirectional error detection . 177 5.6.2 HS-OT mismatches . 178 5.6.3 Harmonic bounding avoidance . 179 5.6.4 Further investigation of learning failures . 183 5.6.5 The role of phonetic detail . 184 5.6.6 Potential expansions for future research . 184 5.7 Conclusion . 187 6 Discussion & Conclusion 189 6.1 Summary of results . 189 6.2 Future research . 193 6.2.1 Replacing layered feet . 193 6.2.2 Replacing Harmonic Serialism . 195 6.2.3 Replacing licensing constraints . 196 6.3 Implications for Optimal Domains Theory . 197 6.4 Conclusion . 198 viii A All tableaux for Copperbelt Bemba single-sponsor parsing 199 B All predicted patterns of the two Harmonic Serialism factorial typologies 201 B.1 All licensing patterns . 201 B.2 All edgewise patterns . 203 C Representable patterns not included in the learning simula- tions 207 Bibliography . 209 English summary . 223 Nederlandse samenvatting . 231 List of Tables 1.1 Licensing drives foot placement . .7 1.2 Licensing drives tonal reassociation . .8 1.3 Foot placement in HS, sensitive to tone licensing . .9 1.4 Simultaneous licensing and rightmost parsing in OT . 10 2.1 A typology of attested bounded tone patterns . 14 2.2 Tone and foot licensing violations . 19 2.3 Harmonically bounded, foot-driven bounded tone shift in OT . 22 2.4 Binary rightward shift in HS, step 1 . 24 2.5 Binary rightward shift in HS, step 2 . 25 2.6 Binary rightward shift in HS, steps 3-5 . 26 2.7 Six tonal patterns in Saghala . 31 2.8 Violations of foot expansions . 35 2.9 Steps of the default derivation . 37 2.10 Default context, step 1 . 38 2.11 Default context, step 2 . 38 2.12 Default context, step 3 . 39 2.13 Default context, steps 4{6 . 40 2.14 Steps of the Long Spreading derivation . 41 2.15 Long Spreading, steps 6{8 (following the default derivation) . 42 2.16 Steps of the Adjacent Sponsors derivation . 43 2.17 Adjacent Sponsors, step 1 . 43 2.18 Adjacent Sponsors, step 2 . 44 2.19 Adjacent Sponsors, steps 3 and 4 . 45 2.20 Steps of the Blocked Spreading derivation . 46 2.21 Blocked Spreading, step 3 . 46 2.22 Blocked Spreading context, step 4 . 47 2.23 Blocked Spreading context, steps 5-7 . 47 2.24 Steps of the Straddled Word-Initial Syllable derivation . 48 2.25 Straddled Word-Initial Syllable context, step 3 . 48 2.26 Straddled Word-Initial Syllable context, step 4 . 49 2.27 Straddled Word-Initial Syllable context, step 5 . 49 2.28 Steps of the Blocked Long Spreading derivation . 50 x 2.29 The underlying and footed surface forms for the six Saghala contexts . ..