COMMENTARY meant so much to his party and the Modi Last Lap of the Karnataka government. “Every election is impor- tant in national politics. But this one is Elections particularly important for us because success here will open the doors in the south,” he said in one such interview Radhika Ramaseshan (Jha 2018). Shah went into reasons that transcended the compulsion of making Congress Chief Minister eldom has a ruling party at the a mark in South India in another inter- Siddaramaiah faces no severe centre invested its political re- view, where he explained, sources and energies so intensively criticism for his tenure, but there S There is a sense of excitement among peo- in a state election, as the Bharatiya Ja- ple to make the BJP form the next govern- are constituents of Karnataka nata Party (BJP) has done in the ongoing ment in Karnataka. The fi rst reason is the that are unhappy with the Karnataka polls. effi cient way Narendra Modi has functioned The elections in Tripura and Uttar at the Centre. Information on the perfor- incumbent government. Sections mance of the BJP-ruled states has been Pradesh, both of which the BJP won, of the Lingayats fi rmly back the fl owing into Karnataka ... Everyone knows involved other issues that drew focus that development is possible only if you are Bharatiya Janata Party in parts of away from the central government part of Modi’s “vikas yatra” [development central and northern Karnataka, headed by Prime Minister Narendra peregrination]. This is how the BJP has Modi. Tripura was, fi rst and foremost, been winning elections in every state. (Dhal which challenges the Congress’s Samanta 2018) prospects of a second term. The framed as a battle of “ideologies.” The age-old hatred the Rashtriya Swayamse- Notice the emphasis on “develop- Janata Dal (Secular) is also a vak Sangh (RSS), the Jana Sangh and ment” and the suggestion that Karnata- force to reckon with in south later the BJP have harboured against the ka will soar to new heights if it elects the Karnataka. However, overall, Marxists and Maoists was built up to dis- BJP to power, as it will then be assured the contest will probably be a lodge the Manik Sarkar government by of the centre’s unqualifi ed cooperation. demonising the former chief minister as Underlying Shah’s averments were two close one, primarily between the “incompetent,” “insensitive,” and even apprehensions. First, the Congress gov- Congress and the BJP. “corrupt.” The unseating of the Commu- ernment in Karnataka, helmed by Sid- nist Party of India (Marxist)—CPI(M) daramaiah, was no pushover. Despite a government in Agartala was celebrated hostile central government, Siddaramai- as a victory nonpareil by the BJP, with ah succeeded in making a mark in cer- Modi leading its triumphant march. In tain sectors. The most vital were welfare Uttar Pradesh, former Chief Minister programmes for the poor, a hallmark of Akhilesh Yadav was suffi ciently discred- politics in the South, apart from ad- ited before the BJP began campaigning. dressing caste equations and religious More than painting Yadav as a hate fi g- polarisation that often supersede social ure, the BJP continued tapping into the concerns and measures in the North. subliminal antagonisms that had accu- Second, if the Congress retains govern- mulated against Muslims amongst large ment, it would belie the BJP’s loud claim sections of Hindus. The rancour was that the “Grand Old Party” was fossil- validated by the charge that Yadav had ised and incapable of even governing a pursued and practised “vigorous minor- state, let alone the country. ity appeasement.” The Modi “sarkar” The RSS’s ideology and the BJP’s and its so-called development agenda Hindutva brand are at work. But, in were secondary to the religious polarisa- Siddaramaiah, the BJP reckoned it was tion the BJP had achieved under the garb up against a far more formidable oppo- of pointing out “appeasement.” nent than Sarkar or Yadav (Rodrigues 2018a). Amongst the voters, Siddaramai- Opening Doors to the South ah hardly provoked censure or criticism, Karnataka, however, is a different kettle and if an uncharitable remark was Radhika Ramaseshan (ramaseshan.radhika@ of fi sh. In serial interviews to dailies and made, it was half in mirth and referred gmail.com) is consulting editor, Business television channels, BJP President Amit to his reported tendency to doze off in Standard. Shah expatiated on why the elections meetings. The worst accusation against 12 MAY 12, 2018 vol lIiI no 19 EPW Economic & Political Weekly COMMENTARY him was that he pandered to the inter- to vote for the BJP and affi rm their “one- Veerashaiva Mahasabha had always sought ests of the backward castes, particularly ness” as a community that was on the reservation for the community as a whole, the Kuruba caste of shepherds to which threshold of regaining its political su- and in the 1970s and 1980s organised public protests for the same. he belongs, and the Muslims because premacy after 10 years. At the Sree Sid- A set of new developments in recent years, among the slew of the “Bhagya” schemes daganga Lingayat Mutt in Tumukur however, have placed the community at he had executed, the “Shaadi Bhagya (central Karnataka), which was de- a crossroad. While its shrinking political [marriage gift/service]” allocated `50,000 scribed as “non-sectarian” and, “non- space has made it to look towards the BJP as only for Muslim girls who were about to political” by a senior representative, the an alternative, the community has also come be married. assessment was that Siddaramaiah’s under the ideological sway of the sangh move was “politically motivated,” and parivar. This has bred much resentment Lingayat Question therefore, it was incumbent on the com- within the mutts, which were self-consciously Lingayat. The Lingayat community that predomi- munity to vote for the BJP as “one,” par- nates in central and northern Karnataka, ticularly because B S Yeddyurappa was The apolitical Lingayats I spoke to has largely turned against Siddaramaiah the party’s chief ministerial nominee. perceived a few benefi ts from Siddara- because of his government’s decision to After Veerendra Patil, the late Congress maiah’s decision: “protection” under classify the Lingayat–Veerashaiva com- chief minister, Yeddyurappa has become Articles 29 and 30 that endows them the bine as a separate religious minority. an icon for the Lingayats. The Lingayats right to establish and administer educa- The BJP promptly propagated the argu- abandoned the Congress after Rajiv tional institutions of their choice and ment that the decision was a gambit to Gandhi publicly snubbed Patil. claim grants-in-aid without discrimina- undermine its hold over the Lingayat– Rodrigues (2018b) contextualises the tion, exemption from the Right of Chil- Veerashaiva, and further that it was a development in a historical perspective. dren to Free and Compulsory Education ploy to destabilise the “Sanatana Dhar- While the demand to declare Lingayats/ Act, 2009, exemption from reserving ma” and by implication the Hindu reli- Veershaivas/Veerashaiva–Lingayats as a seats for the Other Backward Classes, gion itself. In Haveri (north Karnataka), separate religion came to be voiced from the Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes, the BJP encouraged bands of young Lin- 1940s, the demand did not enjoy support as and giving preference to donors over long as the community had political prepon- gayats to tell members of the community derance. Besides, a large section of Lingay- others. However, the spin-offs were not who were marked out as “pro-Congress” ats hailing from lower castes were brought enough to ensure a decisive split in the as well as Lingayat leaders of the Congress, under reservation benefi ts although the Lingayat votes between the Congress WORK at EPW Assistant Editors The Economic and Political Weekly intends appointing two Assistant Editors. The position offers an opportunity to engage with a range of writing and research on economics, politics and the social sciences. The responsibilities will involve writing editorials, reviewing and editing submissions, and tracking news and research. The selected candidates will commission commentaries and articles for publication, interact with writers who seek to publish in the journal, and collaborate in organising special issues. They will also have opportunities to write articles and review books. We are looking for those with research and/or journalistic experience of at least three years, and publications (research writing/reportage). A PhD/MPhil will be preferable. A strong command over English is essential since editing will be an important part of the work. An awareness of current affairs and contemporary debates in the social sciences will be useful. A familiarity with digital publishing will be welcome. The selected candidates will be based in Mumbai. The EPW tries to, but cannot, match the salary scales of those in comparable positions in educational and research institutions. 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Economic & Political Weekly EPW MAY 12, 2018 vol lIiI no 19 13 COMMENTARY and the BJP, the major claimant, except whose votes were split between the Based on the political presence and in seats such as Davanagere North where Congress and the JD(S) in 2013, are strengths of key parties in the various the Congress has fi elded a strong and rooting in larger numbers for the JD(S) regions of Karnataka, one can expect a popular candidate.