Vandalism on Advertisement Boards in Pakistan Dr. Ahmad Bilal* & Aysha Bilal** ABSTRACT: Women’s faces on advertisement billboards are always in danger of being blackened or of being defaced by, so called, moral brigades in Pakistan. These incidents were first noted, in cities like Lahore and Islamabad around 2006 and 2007, during the ‘islah (reform) campaign’ by the Lal Masjid. However, this vandalism has never been reported to the authorities by the advertisers or clients, which means the damage is not to cause business loss. Advertisements are made, after a thorough research, to cater larger audiences, and these images must have some relevance to the consumers; however, blackening of the images on advertisement boards, reveals that a specific segment of the society has been disagreeing or poling apart from the rest. It seems that, in their point of view, these pictures are harmful for the society in general, or maybe dangerous for themselves in particular. They also want a wider and loud coverage of their message, as the hoardings are placed at the hot spots in a city. This paper deconstruct the act of vandalism with the advertising images of females to decipher the mindset of the vandals. Keywords: Images, billboards, vandalism, advertising, Islamist brigade * Email: [email protected] ** Email: [email protected] Journal of Research (Humanities) 206 No one could ignore the torn hoarding of TUC biscuits, a multinational snack company, while passing by the famous crossing of Shama Metro Station, on Ferozepur Road, Lahore, in the month of October 2017 (fig. 1)1. The image was captured six days after Mahira Khan and Ranbir Kapoor’s controversy broke on social media in September 2017. Mahira Khan became victim of mass trolling after the unofficial release of her photographs during a casual timeout with Ranbir Kapoor in a street of New York. The photos with Ranbir, an Indian star, went viral, and Mahira, a Pakistani celebrity, was accused of ruining her ‘sober’ image, due to her dressing and a cigarette in her hand. She was declared ‘non- Muslim’ by a few bashers on social media (I. Khan 2017). This controversy was covered by international media, especially Indian news channels, and declared it a ‘national topic’ for Pakistani society (Basu 2018). In Pakistan, the incidents of vandalism with the images of women on the big hoardings were happening occasionally; however, the first planned campaign was noted, around 2006 and 2007, during the ‘islah (reform) campaign’ by the Lal Masjid. It is also noted that these attacks have never been reported to the authorities by the advertisers or clients. These deliberate and continuous series of vandalistic attacks and mysterious silence on behalf of advertisers once decoded are rooted into much complex contexts based on a planned fabrication of extreme religious ideologies in this part of South-Asia. Step by step this paper investigates prominent factors which have been playing part in building bigoted narratives against mediation in Pakistani society. These factors are offshoots of Pakistani state’s ‘ideology’ on socio-political and religious formations. Moreover, separation of East Pakistan, various dictatorial regimes and war on terror on the North Western Boarders of the country have also played their part. Damaging the images for religious or political reasons has a history. The carved sculptures and images of kings were defaced and it is categorized as iconoclasm which exactly means “image breaking”(Brooks 2009). The demolition of the biggest rock-cut sculptures of Buddhas at Bamiyan, in 2001 by the Afghan Government, is considered to be “Islamic iconoclasm”, and endorsed the popular viewpoint that Islamic culture disapproves figurative arts; however, this disapproval is not based on the Holly Book (Flood 2002). Thus, the disapproval is only attached to a specific school of thought, which was a small segment. Vandalism on Advertisement Boards in Pakistan 207 In case of hoardings in the capital city of Pakistan, the images of female models were alone targeted, and messages, such as; “fahashi, bayhayi band karo” (stop vulgarity, immorality), were also written (K. Ali 2015). These messages along with blackening of females’ images on advertisement boards indicate a mindset of a specific religious segment of the society. This act of vandalism reveals that, on the one hand, the specific group is against the representation of women on these boards and on the other hand, they want a wider and loud coverage of their message. Thus they chose hoardings, displayed at major spots, to demonstrate this extreme act. This specific mindset was always existent; however, it was strengthen enough to launch a planned ‘islah (reform) campaign’, around 2006 and 2007, for the first time in Pakistan. Indeed, the demand for Pakistan was from the modernist Muslims of Aligarh University, and most of the religious groups were against the formation of Pakistan; however, after Independence, fundamentalists have dominated, in the Ayub regime and later attained their utmost influence in the Zia era (Talbot 1998). The regime of General Zia had been associated with banning or restricting the images of females in electronic as well as print media. Zia, for getting support for his rule, supported a specific group of Islamists, so the country had to face extreme sectarianism (Riffat 2015). The administration, to outspread its agenda, has ordered that drama scripts should avoid “love stories and close contact with female artists”, and also directed the female presenters to wear Dopatta, which caused the resignations of many (Shahid and Shahzad 2005). The administration tried to propagate media and film woman as a symbol of vulgarity, indecency and obscenity (Saleem 2006). It was declared that display of female images were against the God’s will and this has set a whole new example for advertisers all over the world (Ogilvy 1985, 26). According to Husain Haqqani, “Establishing Islam as the state ideology was a device aimed at defining a Pakistani identity during the country’s formative years”(Haqqani 2004). Thus, state was a partner with the forces who had disowned the collective past of Hindus and Muslims; hence, introduced a ‘Saudi Islamic Version’ of culture, while tearing off the country from its roots and drifting it towards Arabian peninsula. This continental drift is not physical but cultural, driven by a belief that Pakistan must exchange its South Asian identity for an Arab-Muslim one. Grain by grain, the desert sands of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are replacing the rich soil that had Journal of Research (Humanities) 208 nurtured a Muslim culture which produced magnificent Mughul architecture such as the Taj Mahal, the poetry of Asadullah Khan Ghalib and Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, and so much more (Hoodbhoy 2017). Suppression of liberal ideologies at every level enabled Islamists to fill the gap with extreme dogmatic narratives. Resulting in their stake in government structures, ‘the Islamists are not content with having a secondary role in national affairs and have acquired a momentum of their own’ (Haqqani 2004). Pakistan has had radical demographic changes over the seven decades of its existence; their ramifications have fed into already highly competitive and volatile inter-community relationships (Malik 2002). This repudiation has allowed the outrageous beliefs nurture on mushroom growth resulting in a half-liberal and half-conservative, confused society. Image making and music are the most accused and so called un-Islamic acts according to dominant sets of Muslim theologians from the very beginning. They place music into the category of malahi; diversion which has the same root as lahwa, a keyword for Ibn abi’l- Dunya: To spend time with diversion (lahw) is to indulge in sin (Otterbeck and Ackfeldt 2012). Most of these sentiments amalgamated with ‘Saudization’, where a stricter take on prohibition of imagery have influenced amateur minds at enormous level. The society has paid the price of Saudization, as middle classes had lost every expression of happiness; for example, the traditional festival of Basant (Kite flying), classical music and traditional kathak dancing (Hoodbhoy 2017). Ideological basis of the specific version of religion had instigated a fanatic hatred for images, and thus for art and culture. Authoritarian regimes, as well as the partnership with the United States, particularly after the WoT in 2002, had further malformed the society with extremism (F. Shaikh 2009). The expansion of specific religious groups, in last two decades, has been attached to the US War on Terror (WoT) after 9/11 in Afghanistan. Pakistan’s government wanted to become an active partner with the US; however, the major political parties had rejected the idea; thus, the establishment had to acquire the support from the religious groups, as a result they enjoyed a mainstream position in Pakistan (Riffat 2015).The society has been suffering with a few very basic issues, which have been aggravated by socio-political actions. Vandalism on Advertisement Boards in Pakistan 209 Deliberate selection of billboards for vandalism is a loud reflection of the unaddressed fallacy beliefs about image as element of contradiction to Islamic values. On the one hand, a segment of society finds this act of defacement awfully offensive, and on the other hand, a section of the society may not dislike it rather endorse it. In Peshawar, the blackening of hoardings was also reported in 2010, whilst Shabab-e- Milli, the youth wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, had warned the authorities and advertisers to remove the pictures of females from billboards, as these were “spreading vulgarity”. Conversely, the students of the University of Peshawar disapproved the move of damaging the boards, as according to them there was nothing indecent in the pictures (The News 2011). This indicates the divide in the society, and specifies much larger and intense factors behind the act of vandalism.