Rural Livelihoods in Sierra Leone: Longitudinal Insights from Panguma and Kayima

Rural Livelihoods in Sierra Leone: Longitudinal Insights from Panguma and Kayima

Rural Livelihoods in Sierra Leone: Longitudinal Insights from Panguma and Kayima Jerram Bateman A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand April 2017 Abstract ‘Sustainability’ has become a buzz word in development in recent decades, particularly in relation to livelihoods approaches. ‘Sustainable development’ is commonly defined as that which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs; while in the livelihood context, sustainability is taken to mean the ability to maintain and improve livelihoods while maintaining or enhancing the local and global assets and capabilities on which livelihoods depend. In line with these conceptualisations, livelihoods research and practice tends to focus on a snapshot of livelihood systems in the present context, with the aim of enhancing their future capacity in a sustainable way. In contrast, there are relatively few examples of studies which seek to understand livelihood systems in specific rural communities over a long period of time, particularly in an African context. This research seeks to address this deficit by exploring continuity and change in rural livelihoods over a forty year period in Panguma and Kayima, two small towns in the Eastern Province of Sierra Leone. Over this time, Sierra Leone has been stalked by social, economic and environmental instability. Thirty years of often corrupt and dysfunctional governance led to a brutal civil war throughout the 1990s, which resulted in more than 50,000 deaths, and the displacement of over half the population; climate change has created uncertainty i regarding the sustainability of traditional agricultural practices; and communicable diseases such as malaria and Lassa Fever remain constant threats, while the recent Ebola epidemic has had a significant impact on the predominantly agricultural population’s ability to generate a livelihood. In addition, local-scale shocks such as the loss of crops due to pests, fire or theft, or the incapacitation of a household member through illness, injury or death, can have an equally dramatic impact on people’s livelihoods. Faced with this omnipresent vulnerability, the rural communities of Panguma and Kayima have demonstrated remarkable resilience, adapting livelihood strategies in order to mitigate the impact of each challenge over the forty year period covered by this study, but despite such resilience, there has been little discernible improvement in livelihood outcomes for the majority of households. Taking a longitudinal approach, thus, not only enables this research to explore the changes that have occurred within rural livelihood systems in Sierra Leone over time, but also why those changes have not translated into improved livelihood outcomes. In doing so, it identifies some of the key priorities and challenges for future development in Panguma and Kayima which could, in turn, inform development initiatives within those communities, as well as rural development policy in Sierra Leone and further afield. In addition to these policy-driven implications, this thesis also explores the potential benefits and limitations of incorporating a longitudinal dimension within livelihoods research, and situating it within an analysis of the wider political economy, and thus contributes to broader theoretical discussions around livelihoods approaches to development. Moreover, given that that this longitudinal dimension spans pre-, intra- and post-conflict periods, this thesis also contributes to the emerging nexus of conflict and development literature. ii Acknowledgements This thesis uses a participatory methodology within a livelihoods approach to understand long-term change in Panguma and Kayima, and identify some of the key priorities and challenges for future development in those communities. As will be alluded to in Chapter 1, and discussed in depth in Chapter 2, such an approach places local people, and the priorities they define, at the centre of analysis and objective setting. It is only right, therefore, that the people of Panguma and Kayima are also at the forefront when it comes to acknowledgements. I am deeply indebted to both communities for making me feel welcome and safe during my extended stays, and wholeheartedly supporting and participating in this research project. Particular thanks must go to Paramount Chief Farma of Panguma, Paramount Chief Fasuluku of Kayima, and their respective chiefdom councils, for allowing me to live and work within their communities; Father Andrew Mondeh, and his extended family, for taking such great care of me in Panguma, and S.B. and Fia Sonsiama, and their extended family, for doing likewise in Kayima; and my band of research assistants, George Mugbe, Joseph Turay, Gibrille Jah and Roda Muslimani in Panguma, and Tamba Sogbeh and Francis Turay in Kayima, who all contributed immensely to the research process, and taught me so much about life in Panguma and Kayima. Special iii thanks must also go to Sembo Kamara in Panguma, and Kabba Turay in Kayima, for ensuring that I had a daily supply of palm wine during my trips up country! Outside of Panguma and Kayima, the staff of the Geography Department at Fourah Bay College in Freetown, particularly Kabba Bangura, Associate Professor Paul Tengbe, Dr. Reynold Johnson, Dr. Uzebba Kanu and Julius the technician; and the Geography Department at Njala University, especially Dr. Victor Kabba, provided me with academic and logistical support in the field, and included me in many memorable social occasions. All the staff at the Kona Lodge in Freetown made me feel at home whenever I was back from the bush; Mr Kamara provided a reliable taxi service around the greater Freetown area; and Bunduka Mondeh and Bassie Lamin provided much needed friendship while away from home for so long. I must also thank Dr. Kenny Lynch from the University of Gloucestershire, who proved a useful sounding board over a star beer or two during the initial two weeks of my fieldwork, and once or twice via email in the time since. Closer to home, I am bound by gratitude to many at the University of Otago. In particular, I would like to thank my supervisors - Professor Tony Binns, for encouraging me to take on a PhD, allowing me access to his research from the 1970s, and introducing me to the wonders of Sierra Leone; and Professor Etienne Nel, for his calm nature, probing questions and sound advice. Their comments on each draft of this thesis were both useful, and very much appreciated. The University of Otago Doctoral Office and Department of Geography provided generous financial and logistical support, and staff and students in the latter created a stimulating and supportive environment in which to work. Special thanks must also go to departmental cartographer Chris Garden, who converted my hand-drawn maps into the polished versions that appear in this thesis. As with any of life’s undertakings, the ways in which friends and family have directly and indirectly contributed to this process are many and varied, such that it is impossible to name them all individually. So to anyone who over the last four years has fed and/or watered me, provided me with shelter, taught me, or been taught by me, listened to me, told me to pull my head in, played sport with me, watched sport with me, employed me or worked with me, you have each helped in your own way. Perhaps your greatest contribution, however, is that you have distracted me from this thesis, and for that I am sincerely thankful! Special thanks must go to the O’Callaghan’s for letting me be part of their family, and my actual family, who had iv no choice in the matter, particularly Dan, Amy, Finn and Ruby, Tim, Jude and Ian, Rosie, Nan and Granny. I couldn’t possibly list all the different ways in which each of you have supported me, but can think of two virtues common to you all – love…and food! Finally, I must thank my Mum and Dad. Ma, your passing 10 years ago was the catalyst for quitting my job and giving university a crack, and your memory has pushed me to be better every step of the way. Your selfless and compassionate nature, ability to always see the good in people, and willingness to take on others’ problems, regardless of your own, are qualities that I greatly admired, and ones that I have attempted to embody in undertaking research such as this. And Dad, while you didn’t quite make it to see me cross the finish line, you were with me most of the way, sometimes with a beer, other times a cheque, and always with your direct brand of common sense, and unique sense of humour. Your death in the final months of my candidature is still quite raw, and will leave an indelible mark on the completion of this thesis, but as with Ma, it is your qualities in life that I will draw upon to guide me through whatever comes next. I miss you both greatly. v vi Table of Contents Abstract i Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents vii List of Figures xi List of Tables xiv List of Boxes xvi List of Abbreviations xvii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 An introduction to Sierra Leone 5 1.2.1 Overview of development indicators in Sierra Leone 5 1.2.2 History 8 1.2.3 Geography 10 1.2.4 Climate 12 1.2.5 Demography 13 1.2.6 Economy 16 1.3 Field sites 17 1.3.1 Panguma 17 1.3.2 Kayima 18 1.4 The upland rice farm 20 1.5 Research aims and objectives 24 1.6 Conclusion 26 1.6.1 Outline of thesis structure 26 vii Chapter Two: Conceptual Framework 29 2.1 Introduction 29 2.2 Approaches

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