Reviews Marxism Today August 1982 41 longer simply a matter of East versus West, the international communist movement no longer exists as 'socialist' countries even fight each other militarily. Since the early 60s the PCI has taken repeated stands against the main direction of Soviet foreign policy: over Algeria, over China, over the PLO, over Sadat's visit to Israel, over Czechoslovakia, over NATO, over the EEC, over the Horn of Africa, over Cambodia, over Afghanistan and now . over Poland. So what is new? After Poland shows us what is new and it is, as Eric Heffer writes in the foreword 'a declaration of great significance for the future of socialism, both East and West'. The book consists of the text of the resolu­ tion on Poland issued by the PCI on 29 December 1981, Berlinguer's report to the impossible. But the Soviet Union is also subsequent meeting of the Central Com­ responsible in a more general sense: it was AFTER POLAND mittee, speeches by leading members of the not inevitable that the Yalta agreement Enrico Berlinguer PCI, an article by Armando Cossutta, the should be interpreted as the imposition of a Edited and translated by Antonio only member of the Executive Committee monolithic and Soviet model of socialism Bronda and Stephen Bodington and of the Central Committee to oppose the which took no account of national particula­ Spokesman 1982, £2.25 pbk resolution, the text of Pravda's attack on the rities. The power blocs must not be inter­ ISBN O 85124 342 8 Italian communists (which was published in preted as 'static and unmovable "facts of the PCI press) and the PCI's reply to it life", ideological-military camps, governed There are two distinct elements which can (which, however, was not published in the only by philosophy of power'. Finally, the be used to analyse the relationship between Soviet press). The resolution of December foreign policy of the USSR has no longer a any communist party and the USSR. Does 1981 contained several significant new necessarily progressive role: 'This role some­ that party assume, in however mediated a points. It asserts that the phase of socialist times coincides with the interests of those way, that the Soviet model is universally development which began with the October countries fighting against reactionary applicable? Does it also assume that the Revolution has exhausted its driving force regimes and imperialism .. some other USSR has a guiding role in international (pi6). Even more pointedly it asserts that times it clashes with these interests or even affairs? The Italian Communist Party (PCI), 'the march forward of socialism, in the pre­ violates them openly as happened with the like many other communist parties in the sent phase depends, more and more, on military intervention in Afghanistan' (p 16). West, answered in the negative to the first democratic and socialist ideas and achiev­ The consequence of the resolution and of question a long time ago, on the morrow of ements in the capitalist developed world all the positions taken in the last few years the last world war. The second question was (particularly the countries of Western has also been the necessity to face the fact more complex. For many years, at least up to Europe) and on the success of the most pro­ that the original strategy of 'Eurocommun­ the early 60s, the PCI, squeezed by the logic gressive experiences ... in countries of the ism' needs considerable changes. Its partial of Yalta, the logic of bipolarism, took its Third World' (pi7). Thus the PCI takes failure was due to the fact that its theoretical stand in the only camp it could choose: the stock of the new situation: the October Rev­ boundaries never coincided with the formal Soviet camp. When the Soviet tanks rolled olution is over. The State which resulted communist movement in the West and yet into Hungary L'Unita declared: 'Tomorrow from it has nothing to offer to the socialist this was defined as its natural terrain. But we may even discuss our differences. Today movement. This contrasts severely with Western communism is weak. The French we must defend the Socialist Revolution. Berlinguer's remark to the party congress in CP has never been able to break with Soviet When the guns of the counter-revolution­ 1975: 'It is a fact: in the capitalist world foreign policy, the Spanish CP has consid­ aries are in operation one must be on one or there is crisis; in the socialist world there is erable internal problems and other CPs are the other side of the barricades. There is no no crisis'. Now in this document, which either not 'Eurocommunist' (Portugal) or third camp'. pitilessly defines the Polish crisis as a double too electorally weak (Britain) or in 'peri­ crisis of economic development and demo­ Since 1956 international bipolarism has pheral' countries (Iceland, Finland). Thus cratic development, there is no longer a ref­ the search for a 'Third Way' beyond tradi­ stopped being the only form of organisation erence to the 'socialist' countries. They are of world affairs. Just as the simple model of tional social democracy and also clearly now referred as 'the countries of Eastern demarcated from Soviet communism must 'Capital versus Labour' could not withstand Europe' or 'the Warsaw Pact countries'. the increased multiplicity of social subjects, include new and old social and political 'new political subjects' have begun to The Soviet Union is described as being at forces which owe little or nothing to the 'crowd' the international arena: non-aligned the very least indirectly responsible for the tradition created by October 1917. countries, oil producing cartels, Islamic rev­ situation in Poland. It is Soviet interference, Of course, it makes little sense to expect olutions, Chinese communism, Gaullist Soviet pressure, Soviet ideological cam­ the Italian CP to offer the rest of the world conceptions of Europe as a third force, inter­ paigns, which have rendered a compromise the 'Third Way' as some sort of messianic national banks, transnational companies, between Solidarity and the Warsaw author­ message, producing yet another model. We international terrorism etc. Conflicts are no ities increasingly difficult and eventually all know only too well what is at stake and 42 August 1982 Marxism Today what are the parameters of the 'Third Way': 'I hear people say..."otherwise the USSR will inevitably reverberate in the West: it will the solidarity with the struggles of the Polish would have intervened". This looks like an prevail at home against the independence of workers was not only dictated by the desire argument full of realism. But we must be clear our people, against their decisions and not only for democratisation, it was also compelled what it means to accept it: whether we like it or when what is at stake is the participation of by the overall strategic need to go beyond not it means to submit to an interpretation of Communists in the government, but when Yalta and the 'logic of the blocs'. As Pietro the existing power blocs which eliminates in what is at stake is the installation of nuclear Ingrao wrote in Rinascita in December fact the sovereignty of the countries which are missiles.' 1981: in the blocs. If this interpretation prevails it Donald Sassoon .