PART THREE A FRONTIER UNDER FIRE Alexander and the 'Barbarian' Resistance The mere passage of Alexander and his army across Bactria and Sog­ diana did not mark a turning point in the history of Central Asia. While it was not an everyday occurrence for the population of this region to evade a large Graeco-Macedonian army in its midst, the scattering of people from field to fortress did not signal a permanent break in their ancestral ways of life. They no doubt planned to return in time to fields and flocks, to renew old crops and irrigation canals, to revive the patterns of trade and travel between the cities, towns, and villages of this still­ Persian satrapy. The situation in the summer of 329 B.C. was thus highly charged, but not radically changed by the march of Darius' avenger. In the struggle between Alexander and Bessus for Darius' throne, we have seen that the Bactrians all but crowned the foreigner. There was no passion for the cause of Bessus, much less a nationalistic uprising. One by one, the principal nobles of Central Asia had abandoned the 'usurper' and made their peace with King Alexander; they then were rewarded and allowed to return to their various homes. 1 The Bactrians once serving under arms with Bessus had already gone back to their native towns and cities. 2 There was a Persian, old Artabazus, in place as Alexander's new satrap at Bactra. 3 The only scars upon the land had been made by the torches of Bessus, not of Alexander. 4 There were no battlefields, no siegeworks. Indeed, the ghostly passage of the new king's army had left behind no signs at all save for the dead ( all Graeco-Macedonian victims of the Hindu Kush and Turkestan plain) or the old and infirm quartered with small garrisons at major cities. There were no native casualties, except for Bessus and the Branchidae, a colony of Greeks massacred by Alexander. 5 For the non-Greek natives of Central Asia, Alexander was 1 These included the prominent nobles who arrested Bessus, the so-called hyparchs Dataphernes, Catanes, and Spitamenes: Curtius 7.5.21. They were later summoned back by Alexander for a meeting at Bactra: Arrian 4.1.5. 2 Curtius 7.4.20; Arrian 3.28.10. 3 Arrian 3.29.1; Curtius 7.5.1. • Curtius 7.4.1-19; Arrian 3.28.8. 5 Curtius 7.5.28-35. On the Branchidae massacre, see the discussion below. A FRONTIER UNDER FIRE 53 just another Persian king who had suppressed a seditious satrap. Once he and his army were gone, their lives seemed destined to repeat the old rhythms of the past. But soon after Bessus was delivered to Alexander for punishment, the latter was forced to fight the longest and perhaps most costly campaign of his entire career in this very satrapy which had just surrendered. The dramatic turn of events had little to do with Alexander's accession as Per­ sian king, which the Bactrians and Sogdians never contested. Nominal control of the region the inhabitants were willing to concede to the new king, but any direct interference in local affairs was likely to arouse immediate opposition. It was Alexander's disruption of regional socio­ economic patterns on a permanent basis that suddenly made the presence of his army unacceptable to the inhabitants of the area. Passing peacefully through Bactria and Sogdiana, Alexander and his army reached the Jaxartes River before meeting the first signs of native resistance. 6 There, an unsuspecting party of Macedonian foragers was suddenly attacked by a large force of local 'brigands'. 7 During Alex­ ander's fierce counter-attack, the king himself was wounded and the war intensified. 8 Those tribes which lived along the Jaxartes then massacred the Macedonian garrisons placed in their towns, and the general revolt spread southward through Sogdiana and even drew in a few Bactrians as well. 9 Thus, without apparent warning, there began here two years of savage warfare waged all across Sogdiana on a scale unequaled anywhere else in Alexander's anabasis. 6 Alexander's cavalry was resupplied with horses from the area and his forces passed through heavily fortified Maracanda, the chief city of the region, without incident: Arrian 3.30.6; cf Curtius 7 .6.10 for the defenses of Maracanda. This passage in Curtius (which mentions hostilities) has created much unnecessary confusion, and must here be clarified. The context of Curtius' remarks is not Alexander's (uneventful) march to the Jaxartes, but a later episode. This should be clear from Curtius' previous statement (7 .5.36) that Alexander had already reached the Tanais Qaxartes). There is nothing in Curtius' statement which contradicts Arrian, who himself places the Maracandan conflict after Alexander had reached the Jaxartes: Arrian 4.5.2 and 4.6.4, which (like Curtius) states that Alexander reached Maracanda from the Jaxartes on the fourth day. 7 Curtius 7 .6.1-9 (giving 20,000 Sogdians); Arrian 3. 30.10 (giving the enemy force at 30,000). Numbers, of course, must be treated carefully in our sources. Curtius, for exam­ ple, often uses '30,000' to mean 'a great number': 30,000 Bactrian cavalry (7.4.30); 30,000 cattle (8.4.20). For a heavy casualty figure, Curtius often chooses the number 2,000: Gazaca storm (8.4.13); infantry at the Polytimetus River (7.7.31-39). 8 Curtius 7 .6.3-9 claims that the barbarians were overcome with grief and sur­ rendered, but this quaint gesture is not compatible with Arrian's account (3.30.11) nor Curtius' own text (7.6.14). Far from surrendering, Arrian describes a suicidal defense on the part of the Sogdians which allegedly cost them more than 20,000 lives. 9 Arrian 4.2; Curtius 7.6.14-15. Throughout the war, the Bactrians proper were rarely involved in the fighting in any substantial way. .