On the External and Internal Syntax of Menominee Negation MEREDITH JOHNSON AND BRYAN ROSEN University of Wisconsin–Madison INTRODUCTION1 The purpose of this paper is to account for the syntax and morphosyntax of Menominee negation. Menominee is unique among the Algonquian lan- guages because of the presence of a separate NEGATIVE order, exemplied in (1) below. The negative order is characterized both by the negative particle kan and the negative sufx -an.2 (1) a. Kan nekÓs-nëminan Kan nae-kÓs-nÓmi-n-an NEG 1-PST-dance.AI-AN-NEG ‘I didn’t dance.’ (Macaulay 2003:220) 1. We are grateful to Marie Floring (MF), the late Margaret King (MK), Larry Tomow (LT), and the late Lavina Shawano (LS) for providing the data used in this paper. We would also like to thank Monica Macaulay and two anonymous PAC reviewers for valu- able feedback and comments on this paper; and the Menominee Language and Culture Commission for their guidance. 2. The following abbreviations are used: 1, 2, 3 = rst, second, third person; AI = animate intransitive; AN = animate; AOR = aorist; CONJ = conjunct; CTR = contrast; EPIS = epistemic; EX = exclusive; FUT = future; HAB = habitual; II = inanimate intransitive; IN = inclusive; INAN = inanimate; INC = incompletive; LCL = local; NEG = negation; OBV = obviative; PL = plural; POSS = possessive; PROX = proximate; PST = past; TA = transitive animate; TH = theme sign; TI = transitive inanimate. ߧEߨ represents a morphophoneme used by Bloomeld (1962) that usually surfaces as [e]. The following source codes represent stories from Bloomeld 1928: BOM = Birth of Maeqnapos; BOY = A Boy is Blessed by Mosquitos; CRCW = The Childhood of Red Cloud Woman; HIC = How to Stop Hiccoughs; MIF = The Menomini Indian Fair; MW = How a Menominee Woman Earns Money; NTM = Nehtsiwihtuk as a Trencherman; RS = Red Swan. BM is the code for Bead Man, which is a story found in Bloomeld’s notes in the National Anthropological Archives at the Smithsonian Institution, translated and analyzed by Monica Macaulay and Marianne Milligan. 174 ON THE EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL SYNTAX OF MENOMINEE NEGATION 175 b. WÁpanow kan okÓs-awnnan othsaeh WÁpanow kan o-kÓs-awÁN-Á-n-an o-ëhsaehs Waubano NEG 3-PST-take.away.with.TA-TH-AN-NEG 3-dog ‘Waubano didn’t walk his dog.’ (Macaulay 2003:221) Based on both syntactic and morphosyntactic evidence, we argue that nega- tion in Menominee is situated between CP and IP/TP. An important conse- quence is that the Menominee verb does not sit in C0, contra what others have previously argued for in Algonquian languages. This paper is structured as follows: the next section provides an overview of Menominee negation, based on Macaulay 2003. In the section after that, we provide evidence for our claim that negation sits between CP and IP/TP. Then, we argue that the morphosyntax of the negative order in Menominee supports our analysis, and discuss the relationship between negation and agreement. The last section concludes the paper. DESCRIPTION OF MENOMINEE NEGATION Before introducing our analysis, we rst provide an overview of the nega- tion system in Menominee. As shown in (1) above, Menominee has a unique negative order marked by the sufx -an. Macaulay (2003) shows that the negative order exhibits three major differences in inection from the other orders. First, the third person prex o- is unique to the negative order (see example (1b) above). In the independent order, the third person prex is null, as seen in (2): (2) nnၤw nn-ၤ-w fetch.TA-TH-3 ‘He fetches him.’ (Bloomeld 1962:152) Second, the person agreement sufxes are impoverished: -w is used to index the subject of II verbs (as in (3)), while -n marks the rst, second and third person animate arguments of AI, TA and TI verbs (as in (4)–(6)).3 As we 3. Example (5) contains the preverb aw- which surfaces as naw- when preceded by a person prex (Bloomeld 1962:216). 176 MEREDITH JOHNSON AND BRYAN ROSEN discuss in more detail later in the paper, independent and conjunct order agreement sufxes distinguish both gender and number. (3) II verb ahkanom wenah kan omas ks-takn ahkanom wenah kan omas ks-takw-w-an long.ago it NEG here PST-exist.II-INAN-NEG ‘It wasn’t here, long ago.’ (MW; Macaulay’s (12)) (4) AI verb kan kၤkčh ukiw-iskihsinenan kan kၤkčh o-kew-aeskihsenၤ-n-an NEG something 3-HAB-be.left.over.AI-AN-NEG ‘He never has anything left.’ (MIF 4; Macaulay’s (22)) (5) TA verb nahw, kan taeh kina-Oၤwinan! nahw, kan taeh kae-aw-Oၤw-e-n-an well.then NEG and 2-INC-see.TA-TH-AN-NEG ‘Well, then, you won’t see me!’ (RS 167; Macaulay’s (14)) (6) TI verb kan nepëtčnan kan nae-pt--n-an NEG 1-bring.TI-TH-AN-NEG ‘I do not bring it.’ (Bloomeld 1962:173; Macaulay’s (15)) Third, the obviative marker in the negative order (7a) is distinct from both independent order (7b) and conjunct order (7c). Consider the examples below with the obviative marker in bold: (7) a. kan opčsenenÓnan kan o-pčse-n-enÓn-an NEG 3-embark.AI-AN-OBV-NEG ‘S/he (obv) does not embark’ (Bloomeld 1962:168; Macaulay’s (16)) b. pčsewan pčse-w-an embark.AI-3-OBV ‘S/he (obv) embarks’ (Bloomeld 1962:150; Macaulay’s (17)) ON THE EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL SYNTAX OF MENOMINEE NEGATION 177 c. pčsenet pčse-aene-t embark.AI-OBV-3.CONJ ‘S/he (obv) embarks’ (Bloomeld 1962:224; Macaulay’s (18)) Lastly, there are two negators in Menominee: kan and kat. Kan is used in both negative order and conjunct order, while kat is used only in conjunct order. Neither negator can be used with independent order. Macaulay (2003) points out that the two negators have distinct uses: kan is the “unmarked” negator, and kat is restricted to mirative contexts. The examples in (8) illustrate the uses of kan and kat, respectively. (8) a. eneq ၤc kan wenah cew-kÓs-esÓqtat eneq aese-t kan wenah cew-kÓs-aeseqta-t it.is.that IC.say.AI-3.CONJ NEG she EPIS-PST-do.so.AI-3.CONJ ‘She said that she didn’t do it.’ (Macaulay 2003:227) b. kat akekoh as Áwetuaq këqsÓhsak kat akekoh as Áwe-t-wÁw këqsÓhs-ak NEG these.AN AOR be.AI-3-3PL.CONJ girl-AN.PL ‘(Then all at once he knew) it was not those girls.’ (BM 84; Macaulay’s (37)) In sum, we have seen that Menominee exhibits a unique negative order and has two negators, kan and kat. In the next sections, we provide a formal analysis of these data. EXTERNAL SYNTAX Position of Negator We analyze kan and kat as negators that occupy Neg0 of NegP. We argue that NegP is between CP and IP/TP. This is consistent with previous analyses of the syntax of negation (see, e.g., Belletti 1990; Laka 1990; Rivero 1994; Haegeman and Zanuttini 1996; and Wiltschko 2002). We argue that NegP is below CP because kan and kat are below elements that are in the CP domain. For example, negation is preceded by the complementizer kÓspen ‘if’ as shown in (9a) for kat and (9b) for kan: 178 MEREDITH JOHNSON AND BRYAN ROSEN (9) a. kÓspen kat mcyan kÓspen kat mcy-an if NEG leave.AI-LCL.CONJ ‘If you don’t leave’ (Macaulay 2003:226) b. kÓspen kan mÓset nekiah kÓspen kan mÓN-e-t nae-kyÁhs if NEG give.TA-TH-3.CONJ 1-mother ‘If my mother does not give me them’ (Macaulay 2003:229) KÓspen has both the syntactic and semantic properties associated with com- plementizers crosslinguistically: it always appears in clause-initial position, and it appears to have the same semantic function as English if (McCloskey 1996; Branigan and MacKenzie 2002). The possibility of the co-occurrence of a complementizer-verb sequence is crosslinguistically used as a diagnos- tic for the position of the verb. For example, den Besten (1983) argues that V2 word order in German is derived by V-to-C movement since the verb does not raise in embedded clauses due to the presence of a complementizer. Furthermore, Diesing (1990) and Thráinsson (1985) argue for Yiddish and Icelandic, respectively, that the verb does not move to C, as V2 is found in both matrix and embedded clauses. A CP-recursion analysis is also not desirable for Menominee: Iatridou (1991) and Iatridou and Kroch (1992) argue that CP-recursion is not possible when the verb takes an irrealis complement. Clauses embedded by the complementizer if certainly seem to qualify as irrealis. We adopt the proposal of Johnson et al. (2015), who argue that the left periphery in Menominee consists of two topic phrases and a focus phrase. This is schematized in (10), below. According to Johnson et al., the highest topic (the “external topic”) can be separated from the rest of the clause with a pause, and it is not necessarily an argument of the verb. As for focus, Johnson et al. follow Aissen (1992), who says “The semantics of the focus construction has two essential parts, a presupposition and an asser- tion . What the focus construction asserts is that the focused constituent denotes an entity which satises the variable of the presupposition” (p. 50). (10) [ExtTopP … [FocP … [IntTopP …]]] In Menominee, external topics and focused elements also precede negation. The noun phrase metÁtah mÓqsemenak ‘ten apples’ in (11) exem- ON THE EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL SYNTAX OF MENOMINEE NEGATION 179 plies an external topic. As dened by Johnson et al., external topics do not have to correspond to an argument of the verb.4 (11) MetÁtah mÓqsemenak, (nëw) kan (nëw) awၤtokÓhsewak.