ETHNICITY AND ISRAELITlE RELIGION: ANTaROPoLOGY OF SOCIAL BOUND- IN Donald Bruce MacKay A thesis submitted in confonnity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Centre for the Study of Religion, in the University of Toronto Copyright by Donald Bruce MacKay 1997 National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*m of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence dowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts £tom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othenvise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Ethnicity and Israelite Religion: The Anthropology of Social Boundaries in Judges Doctor of Philosophy 1997 Donald Bruce MacKay Centre for the Study of Religion University of Toronto The purpose of this interdisciplinary work is to examine expressions of dif- ferentiation among groups of people named in the stories of the major judges in the book of Judges in order to determine if the narratives depict identity, segregation, and interaction among groups and their representatives in a manner which may be inter- preted appropriately as "ethnic." An anthropological mode1 of ethnicity is proposed which recognizes the combination of two facets, one which emphasizes the essential, traditional, and primordial aspects of gmup identity and a second which creates, recreatss, and accentuates differences and makes claims of ethnic uniqueness within the context of particular circumstances. The models and assumptions about ethnicity employed by a number of biblical historians with regard to the issue of Israelite identity are surveyed to demonstrate their lack of theoretical and epistemological clarity regarding ethnicity. To illustrate the application of a theoretically clear model of ethnicity, the narratives of the *majormjudges, Ehud, Deborah, Gideon, Abimelek, Jephthah, and Samson, viewed in this study as compositions of the Deuteronornistic historian, are examineci to interpret whether or not the stories depict the two facets of ethnicity descnbed by the model. The purpose is not to wnte an ethnic history of early Israel, but to determine if the picture of relations in the stones of the major judges is consistent with the model of ethnicity. The thesis of this work is that the stories of the major judges, as composed by the Deuteronomistic historian, do express both primordial and circumstantial aspects of ethnicity in describing relations among the various gmups and individuals associ- ated with the major judges. Group narnes, genealogical details, and religion are the primary feaîures expressing differences in a priori primordial terms. Economic, political, and religious interactions are the main features describing differences dependent on particular circumstances. The conclusion is that gmups are descnbed in a manner consistent with the proposed model of ethnicity and that, as depicted in the narratives of ludges, ethnic identity is not entirely fixed or static but is also pictured king defiin response to changing conditions. It gives great pleasure at the end of this long joumey to acknow1edge those who offered the assistance, advice, criticisrn, and encouragement that accompanied all of my steps along the way. First and foremost to the rnernbers of my dissertation com- mittee, E. G. Clarke, Department of Near Eastern Studies; S. A. Nagata, Department of Anthropology; and E. B. Banning, Department of Anthropology, I give heartfelt thanks cullectively and individually for providing thoughtfd evaluation and helpfid encouragement at every step. 1 also wish to thank Walter E. Aufrecht, University of Lethbridge, for unfaihg support and encouragement over the many yean since he gave the fmt push which smed me off on this road. Thanks go as weIl to Robert J. Rogerson of the Department of Geography, University of Lethbridge, for support dur- ing the final stages of writing. Of the fellow students, teachen, and scholars who have provided assistance and inspiration, 1 wish to single out Russell T. McCutcheon for houn of stirnulating intellectual excitement and pleasure exploring ideas and their implications; D. Alan Aycock and Norman L. Buchignani for responding to my nascent struggles with eth- nicity; Marvin A. Sweeney for penetrating criticisms of my early work on Judges; friends among the staff and volunteers at the Tel Miqne - Ekron Excavations for, over the past six seasons, providing an exciting environment in which to tentatively begin exploring some of the historical implications of this work; Bruce and Carolyn Rout- ledge for empathy and cumpanionship as we travelled along similar paths; Kevin McGeough for his insight; and to Ry Cooder and David Wilcox for emotional and spiritual support through good times and bad. This work is the culmination of an invesîment which 1 would not have been able to make without the support of a number of institutions. 1 wish to thank the University of Toronto, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada @octord Fellowship #452-90- l472), and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation for fellowships which enableci the completion of the research for this study. Special thanks go to S. Gitin and the staff of the W.F. Albright Institute of ArchamIogid Research in Jerusalem and the other FelIows of the 1993-1994 academic year for sup port while I held the Kress Fellowship. Finally, 1 wish to thank my parents, Donald C. and Margaret J. MacKay and my sister M. Gillian MacKay, for support and encouragement through aU the years of schwling and univenity education. Thanks in particular go to rny father for instilling in me a work ethic and an appreciation for science which 1 seemed to have gained, appropriately, more by osmosis than by instruction. Special thanks go to FLora MacKay, my closest travelling cornpanion, and to Elizabeth MacKay, who joined us part-way through the trip, for aii the cornfort, wmpassion, and sacrifices on this one long leg of our joumey together. D. Bruce MacKay Contents Introduction Ethnic Theory Introduction The Primordialist Approach The Circumstantidist Approach The Integrative Synthetic Approach Representative Views on Israeïite Ethnie Identity Introduction Conquest Theorists Immigration Theorists Intemal Revolt Theokts Post-Revolt Theorists Conclusion Ehud: Judges 3 :1 2-3 :30 Introduction Primordial Features Circumstantial Features Conciusion Deborah: Judges 4 Introduction PIimordia.1 Featuies Circumstantial Features Conclusion Deborah: Judges 5 Introduction Primordial Feaîures Circumstantial Features Conclusion Gideon: Judges 6: 1 - 8:30 Introduction Primordial Feaîures Circumstantial Features Conclusion Abimelek: Judges 8:30 - 957 Introduction Primordial Feaîures Circumstantial Features Conclusion Jephthah: Judges 10: 17 - l2:7 Introduction Primordial Features Circumstantial Features Conclusion Samson: Judges 13: 1 - 16:31 Introduction Primordial Features Circumstantial Features Conchsion Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Ethnic relations and ethnicity are prominent in the research agendas of many anthmpologists and çociologists. ' And although there is spiriteci scholarly debate within these fields over the exact meaning of ethnicity and about the best theoretical approach to use in its study, the concept has not remained cloistered in esoteric academic halls. Ethnicity is a force which also attracts a sizable share of current pub- lic and media attention. Inde&, in recent yûan the reverberations hm'ethnic" con- fiicts around the world have often pmpelled the concept to centre stage of humanity's concerns in the late twentieth century (Tambiah 1989). Discussion of ethnicity has spilled over academic boundaries and has figurai in the work of many other scholars, as weil, not just anthropologists and sociologists. Furthemore, since many ethnic groups voice their claims to autonomy and express their identity in ternis of religion (Banuazizi and Weiner 1986), ethnicity, ethnic relations, and ethnic identities should dm be of interest to scholars of religion. Ethnic gmups, ethnic identity, ethnic relations, and ethnicity are concepts cen- tral to anthropological research on group identity and on the general tendency of human beings to separate themselves into groups (Eisenstadt and Giesen 1995). The overarching question for social scientists concerns the motivation and justification for this segmenting of human populations. Are ethnic group identities expressed by gmup members as the result of a priori, inherent, and nahiral forces which impose sepration and constrain the actions of the members of the group? Or are the motiva- The Literature is vat but, for eumple, peruse any issue of the foilowing jourmis for a representative range of studies: Erhniciry, Erhnic Groups, 2he Journal of Erhnic Sncdies, Erhnic and Racial Sdies, Erhnic