Semiotic Neighborhoods Reference to: Koskinen, Ilpo 2005. Semiotic Neighborhoods. Design Issues 21(2): 13-27. 1/1/2008 Ilpo Koskinen Department of Product and Strategic Design University of Art and Design Helsinki UIAH Hämeentie 135 C 00560 Helsinki [email protected] +358-50-329 6021 This paper was first presented at the “Nordiskt seminarium om urban- och boendeforskning” in Hanasaari, Helsinki, 17-19 November, 2002. In addition to participants in that conference, I would like to thank Visa Heinonen, Mika Pantzar, Nely Keinänen, Pekka Korvenmaa, Victor Margolin, and the reviewers of Design Issues. SEMIOTIC NEIGHBORHOODS Abstract This paper introduces the notion of semiotic neighborhood. These neighborhoods, typically located in large cities, are characterized by a high concentration of semiotic businesses that live by selling and manufacturing signs rather than merely functional goods and services. Two types are distinguished: traditional luxury areas and designer shop and restaurant areas. A typical semiotic neighborhood has a concentration of designer shops, architectural offices, and interior decoration shops. To be called semiotic, a neighborhood must have a high concentration of semiotic businesses, the number of these shops has to exceed the number of similar businesses in other parts of town, and this quality has to be noted in the popular imagination. For instance, it has to be recognized in tourist maps and in town planners’ scenarios. This concept is illustrated with data from Helsinki, showing how some of Helsinki’s southern sections have evolved into semiotic neighborhoods over the last three decades of the 20th century. Key Words Semiotic neighborhoods – distribution sector – Helsinki – design – antique trade – art trade 1 SEMIOTIC NEIGHBORHOODS Introduction In his Philosophy of Money, the classic sociologist Georg Simmel noted that industrial products "lack the spiritual determinacy that can be easily perceived in a product of labor that is wholly the work of a single person." When produced in large quantities, products have to be designed so they are "acceptable and enjoyable to a very large number of individuals," and therefore "cannot be designed for subjective differentiation of taste." By contrast, some products still have a personality: we can personally relate to them. For Simmel, such products include works of art, philosophical treatises, and crafts.1 Markets have certainly understood the craving for more personalized products. Take the example of a design icon, the Juicy Salif lemon squeezer, designed for Alessi by Philippe Starck. In the summer of 2000, the Juicy Salif sold for €40 in Helsinki (a gold- plated one sold for €150). The fact that it is practically unusable makes it easy to see as an object of art. If it were displayed in a museum, it would be no more than an object of reflection. In ordinary contexts, however, it is available for use. An analysis of this object can focus on the product, but also on the designer, the company, or even the art and design world. It offers multiple possibilities for reflexive consumers who seek to build their identities through design objects, fashion, and art. It is also partly through these objects that people define good taste.2 These are “semiotic goods”: most of their economic value is based on meanings people give them rather than their functionality, be these iconic, indexical, or symbolic. Unlike non-signed products, or products from flea markets, these meanings support and maintain significant parts of the economy. Today, the world–wide worth of the luxury 1 SEMIOTIC NEIGHBORHOODS retail sector alone, depending on the estimate, is €55-100 billion. This sector makes its living mainly from fragrances, cosmetics, jewelry, watches, accessories, and fashion. Its main market is Asia, followed by the United States and Europe.3 In addition to goods, semiotized services and experiences are a part of our everyday life. In the U.S., since the early 1960s “fun services” and “experience industries” have grown faster than other sectors of the economy.4 Some theorists have generalized that this development is part of a postmodern world where the real world is so absorbed into signs that people cannot escape from this signed reality.5 The received wisdom is that this new consumption scene originated among the new high-earning middle classes in global cities, with a recent estimate putting their number at 50 million worldwide.6 This new consumption has also changed the look and feel of the shopping environment. While cities have lost many of their department stores, they have gained megastores, shops-in-shops, flagship stores, posh restaurants, cafés, art galleries, antique stores, and luxury retail shops. In this paper, I call some areas with a high concentration of these types of places of consumption “semiotic neighborhoods.” These areas live off selling and manufacturing semiotic goods. They are different from entertainment districts, which have a high concentration of movie theaters, theaters, restaurants and bars. They also differ from malls: unlike malls, semiotic neighborhoods are historical creations in which the streets belong to people, property ownership is decentralized and passersby are exposed to a full scale of life rather than to a managed version of it. 2 SEMIOTIC NEIGHBORHOODS Semiotic Neighborhoods Downtown areas have dominated consumption for much of the 20th century. Consumption in downtown areas is led by traditional department stores. Another dominant form of trade today follows suburban expansion. As suburbs have grown in North America and in Europe, retail trade has followed population to suburbs, in which retail corporations and developers have created large, centrally managed malls and retail parks. In terms of services, more upscale malls resemble the higher end department stores, with boutiques embedded in them. Typically catering to the middle-classes, department stores and malls offer a wide range of goods and services, some of higher quality than others, but overall, their business is geared towards the middle-income customer.7 Less mobile classes and younger customers consume in what the sociologist Sharon Zukin calls “neighborhood shopping streets.”8 In contrast to these forms of mass consumption, exclusive goods have traditionally been available for the rich in the first type of semiotic neighborhoods. As Lewis Mumford noted in The Culture of Cities, hand-crafted quality goods with extraordinary prices are available for the traditional upper classes in places like New Bond Street, Rue de la Paix, and Madison Avenue.9 As they are exclusively upper-class, goods and services in these streets and neighborhoods are far beyond the reach of ordinary consumers, except for window-shopping. Some of these streets have existed for centuries, and are typically rooted in royal courts and aristocratic consumption in Europe, and in their capitalist equivalents in North America. 3 SEMIOTIC NEIGHBORHOODS A more recent development has created another type of semiotic neighborhood: designer streets and quarters. At the more exclusive end, there are a few ultimate designer streets: Avenue Montaigne and Rue du Faubourg St Honoré in Paris, the quadrilatero in Milan, London’s Sloane Street, and parts of New York’s Fifth Avenue.10 Similar displays of luxury exist in all global cities.11 Smaller cities and less exclusive areas in global cities have developed local versions of these luxury streets, as witnessed by the examples of Strøget in Copenhagen and North Esplanade in Helsinki. Shops in these streets offer a vast selection of goods, ranging in price from €5 key rings, to €25,000 jackets to €100,000 watches and upwards. Semiotic neighborhoods have many functions in cities. They supply people with goods, services, and experiences with which they may construe identities and partake in conspicuous consumption. They attract tourism, educated residents, and creative inhabitants. Their indirect economic effects come through services such as restaurants, museums, coffee shops and elegant magazines. Furthermore, these areas may become important elements in building a city’s image. These neighborhoods also connect local society to global taste, and provide the cultural understanding any modern economy needs to function. Finally, they provide work for local artists, designers, and craftspersons.12 Traditional luxury shop areas aside, semiotic neighborhoods have only fairly recently become elements of cityscapes, from the mid-1960s.13 Also, their tendency to concentrate in certain neighborhoods is a fairly recent phenomenon. Success breeds more success; in the end, several shops flock to the same area, pushing other business out. 4 SEMIOTIC NEIGHBORHOODS Some functions win in this competitive process, and come to dominate business in that area to the point that it becomes the neighborhood’s second nature. Take Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills, California, with its extravagant displays of luxury, as an example. Rodeo Drive was elevated to its present status fairly recently; in fact, the first international luxury shops arrived at this short stretch of land at the end of the 1960s. Aldo [Gucci] continued the drive to open new stores. He identified Beverly Hills’s then sleepy Rodeo Drive as a choice location long before it became a chic shopping avenue, and in October 1968 inaugurated an elegant new store there with a star-studded fashion show and reception.14 There had been jewelry shops, antique dealers, and high-end clothiers before, but with the likes of Gucci, other luxury shops followed. Today, well over 50 luxury shops populate this stretch of land (see www.rodeodrive.com). In contrast to most consumer goods, proximity to other shops benefits the design trade: a Gucci bag is not identical to a Hermès bag. Since it is the semiotics embedded in products that makes the difference, not the price, proximity to other shops benefits the economy. When people and media recognize an area as a semiotic neighborhood, the area gets a ”character.” Circulated in media and folklore, this character directs people to these areas to browse goods and services, and to enjoy the atmosphere.