Journal of Family Violence, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1988 A Typology of Incest and Possible Intervention Strategies Giri Raj Gupta ~ and Steven M. Cox I Recent research on incest suggests that it is a complex phenomenon which assumes a variety of forms in different situations. A tentative typology based on prior research and clinical reports is presented. A preliminary framework for recognizing and dealing with various types of incest is outfined and a discussion of intervention and prevention strategies is provided. KEY WORDS: incest; child abuse; sex offenders; sexual victims; sexual abuse; deviate sexual assault/rape; pedophilia. INTRODUCTION Incest, or sexual relationships with close blood relatives and other kin, has, during the past decade, received increasing attention in the United States. As recently as 1948, Kinsey stated that incest was so rare in American so- ciety that it was not worth mentioning (Kinsey et al., 1948). In dramatic contrast, Stark (1984) estimates that there may be 15 million victims of in- cest in the United States today. Some investigators indicate that as few as 10% of all incidents of child molestation are reported (See Kempe, 1978). Further, in those cases that are reported, victims range in age from 3 months to 17 years. Also, the majority of these cases involve long-term relationships between a child victim and a family member or close friend (Robertson and Wilson-Walker, 1985). The etiology and epidemiology of incest are still not clearly understood. Consequently timely assessment, intervention, and prevention are difficult. Development of a typology of incestuous relationships based on specific xWestern Illinois University, Macomb, Illinois 61455. 299 0885-7482/88/1200-0299506.00/0 1988 Plenum Publishing Corporation 300 Gupta and Cox behavioral patterns of perpetrator and victim might improve our effective- ness in these areas. DYNAMICS OF INCEST Adult sexual involvement with children is a complex phenomenon. Often, perpetrators and victims who are old enough to understand that some- thing sexual is happening, are ambiguous about the beginnings of the sexual episodes. This is perhaps particularly true with respect to incestuous encoun- ters. Touching, cuddling, fondling, kissing, and other acts of foreplay are often perceived by the victim as being within the scope of normal behavior until such activities become clearly sexual in nature (e.g., fondling of the breasts or genitals, masturbation, oral/genital contact). At this point, shame and humiliation may prevent children who understand what is happening from reporting the encounters. Some are simply too young to understand what is happening; others fail to report the encounters out of fear based on threats or use of force by the perpetrator. Many victims of incest are un- doubtedly hampered in resisting/reporting by the nature of the relationship with the offender (e.g., parent-child) which may be perceived as requiring obedience. Still, there are some reasonably clear indicators of sexual abuse in children which might lead an interested observer to suspect incest in the absence of other known trauma (See Tables I and II). About 75~ of reported incest cases involve father and daughter. Stark (1984) reports that such incestuous relationships typically begin when the daughter is between 6 and 11 years of age and continue for at least 2 years. However, numerous cases of infant and toddler abuse are also reported. Her- man (1981) indicates that 94% of the 506 incest cases she studied involved father and daughter. Gordon and O'Keefe (1984) found that biological fathers are the most frequent offenders, followed by step, foster, and adoptive fathers. Table I. Verbal and Physical Indicators of Sexual Abuse in Children" 1. Statement of sexual abuse by the child 2. Corroborating statements of sexual abuse by others 3. Admission by the perpetrator 4. Supporting material evidence 5. Physical signs of trauma which support the child's allegation 6. Pregnancy in 10- to 15-year-olds 7. Presence of sexually transmitted diseases 8. Vaginal or rectal bleeding 9. Vaginitis or vulvitis 10. Genital or rectal trauma, lacerations, bruises ~Adapted from Ryan (1984). Incest and Possible Intervention Strategies 301 Table II. Behavioral Indicators of Child Sexual Abuse" 1. Regressivebehavior (thumbsucking, bedwetting) 2. Public masturbation, extreme interest in sex organs 3. Fear of persons and places of which the child was not previously afraid 4. Anxiety 5. Poor peer relationships 6. Somatic complaints 7. Difficulty in walking or sitting 8. Eating/sleep disturbances 9. Personality changes 1 0. Sudden decline in school grades 11. Overly seductive behavior, promiscuity, prostitution 12. Running away from home 13. Substance abuse 14. Withdrawal from physical/recreational activities 15. Depression/suicide ideation or attempts aAdapted from Ryan (1984). Incest can take a variety of forms, ranging from a display of sexual activity as one component of love to violent sexual assault. It is often found in multiproblem families. Incestuous parents appear to have a clear lack of impulse control which is demonstrated by abuse of alcohol and other sub- stances, spouse abuse, and the frequent use of violence to solve disputes (Gor- don and O'Keefe, 1984; Julian and Mohr, 1979; Truesdell, 1986). A TENTATIVE TYPOLOGY OF INCEST Recent efforts to prevent incest have focused on what children can do to protect themselves (Finkelhor, 1984). But incest is an interactive process in which the adult typically determines who will be abused; efforts to pre- vent incest must take this into account if they are to be successful. With this in mind, several researchers have attempted to develop typologies of sex offenders and, occasionally, their victims (Bender and Grugett, 1952; Giar- retto, 1976; Vons Hentig, 1948). Summit and Kryso (1978), for example, de- veloped a typology ranging from incidental sexual contact to perverse incest. Included in the typology were the categories mysagynous, imperious, pedophilic, and child rapist. We have attempted to expand on the idea of the typology and to develop a typology which might help practitioners recog- nize and intervene in incest cases involving children old enough to recognize that the sexual behavior being proposed or in which they are involved is in- appropriate. In this typology, incest is viewed as a process in which interac- tion occurs between victim and offender (Swan, 1985). This interaction may be initiated by either or both of the parties involved, and may be brought 302 Gupta and Cox on by a variety of different, identifiable circumstances. To the extent that these circumstances can be recognized and corroborated by practitioners, specific patterns of behavior and actions of both perpetrator and victim may be anticipated. When such behavior patterns are observed, immediate inves- tigation and rapid intervention (where appropriate) are called for. While we believe the typology will help practitioners conceptualize and recognize relationships which may involve incest, the value of the typology can only be determined by those who employ it. The typology developed presented here is imperfect. The categories discussed are not mutually exclu- sive, and perhaps not exhaustive. Further refinement based on field research and experiences is clearly required. Nonetheless, we believe the categories can be used to aid in recognizing potential incest cases. In the typology which follows, case examples are used to illustrate the kinds of interaction charac- teristic of the various types of incestuous relationships discussed. TYPES OF INCEST AND ASSOCIATED BEHAVIOR PATTERNS Masochistic Incest In Masochistic Incest, the victim actively seeks out pain/punishment through incestuous acts to alleviate guilt feelings. The victim may perceive herself as responsible for conditions which are creating disharmony in, or destroying, the family unit. To punish herself, the youth may make herself available for sexual encounters with the father. For example, she overhears her parents discussing divorce and one or both make comments about eco- nomic conditions as an underlying factor. Her name comes up in the con- versation in terms of expenses for school clothing. She views herself as the cause of the divorce and approaches her father sexually, or allows him to approach her, in an attempt to get him to reconsider leaving. Case Illustration Debbie, a 13 year old, had been abused by her father for some time. Her mother works part-time as a salesperson in a local store while her father, who has never held a stable job, stays home to take care of her and the house- hold chores. He frequently had searched for work, but except for occasion- al odd jobs in other towns, nothing materialized. Jobless and frustrated, he became involved in heated arguments with Debbie's mother who often threa- tened divorce. Financial difficulties mounted when the family car needed ex- tensive repairs and hospital bills for medical problems accumulated. Debbie's father did not allow her to play with other children in the neighborhood stat- ing that they were mostly irresponsible and not worthy of her company. Dur- ing domestic fights, her mother charged that he preferred babysitting Debbie Incest and Possible Intervention Strategies 303 rather than finding a job, thus causing Debbie to believe she was the cause of her father's inability to find work. After the fights and bitter arguments, Debbie usually sympathized with her father and asserted she was the cause of the problems. One evening, when her mother was at work, her father had a few beers. She decided to discuss some of the family problems with him and made some friendly overtures which resulted in fondling and eventually sex. She insists she is the cause of the domestic problems and continues to attempt to persuade her father never to discuss divorce with her mother again. In cases such as this, the victim literally gives herself up to the perpetra- tor in order to keep him in the household and then rationalizes the incestuous encounters as punishment she deserves for tearing the family apart.