The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: a Personal Memory

The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: a Personal Memory

The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: A Personal Memory by Carlos Calbillo c/s 116th Annual Meeting The four major themes of “Chicanismo” are generally considered to be: (1) the power of the March 1–3, 2012 creative earth and labor upon it; (2) political transformation through collective efforts; Become a TSHA (3) strong familial ties extending back into Mesoamerican pre-history; and (4) spiritually- Member and Omni Houston Hotel influenced creative artistic imagination as reflected in the visual ARTS. Receive FREE Keynote Address: Civil Rights in Texas ell, what a long and strange trip it was, or should I say, and white ministers, priests, a rabbi or two in attendance, I Whas been. Carlos Guerra is gone, Lupe Youngblood became curious to see if I could find any Latinos in the large Registration* by Darlene Clark Hine, Ph.D., Northwestern University is gone, Poncho Ruiz, El Tigre, Ernie Valdés. And Mateo crowd. To my surprise, I found only one, other than me. Vega, if not gone, is certainly missing in action or something I walked up to him after the march and introduced like that. These names are some of the brothers; there were myself to Leonel J. Castillo. He would eventually become also sisters that I worked with in the movement beginning the first Latino in Houston elected to city-wide office as city in, for me, April 1968. controller. Subsequently, he became the first Latino com- Sessions Speakers Exhibitors The Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s was es- missioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, sentially a grassroots community insurrection and rebellion appointed by President Jimmy Carter. against a stifling racism and oppression that strangled the He invited me to his small office in the East End, where Latino and Black communities of Houston and Texas in that he worked as a social worker and counselor in some gov- time, and a determination to fight and defeat it. We sought ernment funded program. He introduced me to a world to bring the Mexican American out of second-class citizen- that I found fascinating. PASO, the Political Association ship and out of the societal marginalization that we found of Spanish-speaking Organizations, was a sort of umbrella ourselves in at the time throughout Texas. group that worked in community organizing and voter Like many social movements throughout the world then registration and education. I began to walk on weekends in and since, this movement began with the youth of the af- the East End of Houston, and with other members of this flicted community. These energetic shock troopers, tired group, registered Mexican Americans to vote and held ral- of the oppression found throughout Texas and the nation, lies to educate our people on the importance of voting and threw themselves into this task in an attempt to rehab the basic civic involvement. karma of the surrounding Anglo American majority society Through my long association with Leonel, I began to and to achieve full citizenship for our people. get more and more involved in Latino community politics, We began by registering our people to vote in the large both as a campaign worker and in other, more “clandes- cities and even in rural communities throughout Texas. tine” activities with MAYO, the Mexican American Youth This kind of community empowerment met with retaliation Organization. www.TSHAonline.org (940) 369-5200 from the police and Texas Rangers in the streets and in the fields. Many of I began my journey, if that is what it us spent time in county jails or city may be called, in a very different time Sessions by Preeminent Historians lockups, charged with mostly minor of- in Texas, a time that we may want to fenses, which would keep us off of the recall and try to understand. Banquet Events with Speakers streets, and silenced, in Houston and The Mexican American Youth Presidential Reception & Tour of J. P. Bryan’s Torch Energy Collection beyond. Police departments through- Organization, or MAYO, was an out Texas began surveillance activities, upstart, headstrong group of young Book Exhibitors and the FBI began to maintain dossiers and militant Mexican Americans who Live and Silent Texana Auctions on many of us. appeared, seemingly out of nowhere, My interest in working in my com- to challenge both the white racist Three Optional Tours munity and in the movement began in establishment of Texas as well as the April 1968 when, one week after the conservative HIGHspanic mentality assassination of Dr. Martin Luther of many Mexican Americans who had Detailed Program and Registration King, Jr., a solidarity march was entered the middle class and, somehow, held from Third Ward to downtown had come to believe that this develop- Available Online December 1, 2011 Houston. I participated in this march ing paradigm, at least for them, was as a young student, and although there the future of La Raza.1 *Join TSHA at the $50 Friend Level or higher to receive FREE registration. Use code HOU12. were the obligatory African American Carlos Calbillo. Photos courtesy of author. Our fathers had returned after Houston History • Vol.9 • No.1 • 25 Surveillance photo taken by the Texas Department of Public Safety of MAYO and Raza Unida leaders in Garner State Park, 1970. Photo courtesy of author. defeating Hitler and the Japanese, only to find that cy; revolution was in the air. And of course the fashion—we “Mexicans” were still second class citizens in the land they wore bell bottoms, paisley shirts, and desert boots with our had fought to save, and which, once ours, had been stolen serapes and brown berets; we were young and crazy, some of from us. us actually idealistic, trying to find a new way in the reality However, the great fight against fascism had taught them that was Texas of the times. important concepts such as sacrifice and perseverance. This society we perceived as intolerably oppressive, and Some of these discharged soldiers, once back home, it definitely seemed to us “enlightened” youth to be de- turned to a new war of liberation, not of Europe or of the signed to keep brown and black people down. So we took Pacific, but of La Raza in Texas and in the Southwest. up “arms” against it, much to the horror of our parents and Many, if not most, also began a quest towards middle-class other “gente decente,” such as LULAC and their ilk. economic stability and respectability. With the GI Bill Houston MAYO cadres were urban and “hippy-ish”; fueling a renewed political and social activism, it seemed many of us either didn’t speak Spanish or did so haltingly. to many in Texas’s Mexican American community that we When I began to attend MAYO actions in the small com- would be witnessing the dawning of a new age. In some munities across South Texas (small compared to Houston) parts of Texas, there appeared to be a new opportunity and and discovered that some of the MAYO hermanos/herma- a developing pragmatism in race relations. nas spoke mostly Spanish, perhaps out of nationalistic zeal, But we youth activists wondered if this was all for real. I and many of the Houston MAYOs became uncomfortable Most of Texas during that era was still around this. locked in the colonial model that we, the One time we traveled to Robstown, young chicanada, had begun to study Texas, to support a rally protesting the in college or in the streets. By studying school system, which was designed not to Marx, Lenin (both Vladimir and John), educate our people, but to serve as an in- Che Guevara, and Frantz Fanon, (and of stitutional bludgeon to keep the “Meskins” course, Tomás Paine), we understood that down and ignorant. Robstown was a the oppressor would allow some progress perfect example of a small Texas town for some of our people, as long as their where the population was overwhelmingly basic model, their newer, and more modern Mexican American, yet the economics Texas neo-colonialism, was not challenged and politics were tightly controlled by the or threatened. Since the time that we had gringo establishment. This is perhaps why lost at San Jacinto, and for most of the late the town had produced some of the most 1940s, 1950s, and early 1960s, it seemed militant and strategy-minded MAYO ac- that the status quo in Texas was safe and tivists, such as Carlos Guerra, later a col- unassailable. umnist for the San Antonio Express-News, Army veteran Joe Campos Torres was and Lupe Youngblood, another incredible, The 1960s of course were a different time, beaten to death by Houston police young and charismatic trouble-maker who and we as thinking young people were in- in 1977. His death galvanized the played chess against the establishment very fluenced and bombarded by the dominant Mexican American community in well. American culture—the music, the militan- protests to fight for reforms. The rally was held in front of the MAYO Photo courtesy of Benny Martinez, LULAC. 26 • Houston History • Vol.9 • No.1 headquarters in a down and out barrio, and about 100 com- know well. Being new to this kind of political intimidation, I munity people, parents, and students were there, very angry, freaked out and began to back off. Carlos Guerra fearlessly carrying protest signs in English and Spanish. Robstown went up to these sons of Texas and began educating them on MAYO chieftain Mateo Vega delivered a fiery bilingual the rights of American citizens to peacefully assemble and speech and rant. The Robstown police, represented by our right to meet without fear of governmental interference several big white guys in coats, ties, sunglasses, and wear- or of their intimidation.

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