Källén, A and Hegardt, J 2014 A Cosmopolitan History of Archaeology: The Olov Janse Case. Bulletin of the History of Archaeology, 24: 7, pp. 1–13, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/bha.247 PAPER A Cosmopolitan History of Archaeology: The Olov Janse Case Anna Källén* and Johan Hegardt† This article has been corrected here: The life of international archaeologist Olov Janse (1892–1985) demonstrates the complexity of personal identify formation. Janse worked in Europe, Scandinavia, South East Asia and North America, spoke many different languages, controlled many collections of artefacts, changed iden- tity or character at least five times, and nationality, three times. It is hoped the themes, elu- cidated through Janse’s story, will encourage comparisons with, and analyses of, the careers of other cosmopolitan archaeologists, and instigate an international history of archaeology focused on mobility, translation and networks, rather than one based on the impact of archaeology on the development of nation-states. Introduction 2004; Murray and Evans 2008) and papers (e.g. Evans This paper proposes comparative outlines for a cosmo- 1995) have provided historical examples of international politan history of archaeology, defined primarily by mobil- archaeology. While these have served as ‘eye-openers’ to ity, translation and networks. It intends to complement the broader uses of archaeology, we find them less theo- the history of archaeology’s traditional focus on nation rised, and therefore less useful for comparisons than exam- states. Basic historical narratives about the formation of ples from the history of nation-state archaeology (e.g. Kohl the discipline, as well as critical deconstruction of histori- and Fawcett 1996). Just like these other recent examples of international archaeology, we will use, as the point of cal archaeological discourses, have more often than not, http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/bha.248 been defined by national, or regional borders (e.g. Klindt- departure, one particular historical case – the professional Jensen 1975; Arnold 1990). While to some extent reflect- life and trajectory of Olov R. T. Janse (1892–1985) – but ing the real importance of archaeology in the construc- with the primary ambition of identifying themes and char- tion of nation states or regional identities, it can be argued acteristics that could enable analytical comparisons with that this national focus has also become a self-confirming, other examples of cosmopolitan archaeology.1 but inadequately examined, tradition, which has contrib- The term cosmopolitanism has a double signification uted to a lopsided image of archaeology as an essentially in today’s cultural analysis. Both meanings relate to the national enterprise (Kaeser 2002). eighteenth century utopian philosophical use of the con- Increased international mobility and the greater impact cept, as a way towards peaceful human coexistence (Kant of supranational organisations, such as UNESCO, on 2009 (1784); Rorty and Schmidt 2009). In the first, cos- archaeology over the last couple of decades, now call for mopolitanism retains an earlier connection to a privileged alternative frameworks, beyond those of national borders, class of mobile, male, bourgeoisie, travelling to and from to understand archaeology and cultural heritage. Moreo- the capital cities of the Western world during the late nine- ver, the realities of contemporary archaeological practise teenth and early twentieth centuries, with ‘an unpleasant involve the consideration of a range of important issues, posture of superiority toward the putatively provincial. such as international conflicts over heritage sites, heritage You imagine a Comme des Garçons-clad sophisticate with tourism and artefact repatriation, which have not been a platinum frequent-flyer card’ (Appiah 2006: xi). subjected to much deeper historical research. In response Yet over the last couple of decades, cosmopolitanism to this some recent books (e.g. Cohen and Sharp Joukowsky has also been used as a concept to describe the exile, refu- gee and immigrant as a very different, characteristically un-privileged, but equally extra-national identity. This use * Archaeology Ph.D., Researcher of cosmopolitanism appeared as a part of postcolonial Swedish History Museum theory in the 1990s, and aimed at creating a framework Narvavägen 13–17, 114 84 Stockholm, Sweden for cultural analysis that privileges place to mobility, and [email protected] transition and translation, over essence and stability. In † Professor of Archaeology the attempt to embrace exile, unprivileged mobility, tran- Swedish History Museum Narvavägen 13–17, 114 84 Stockholm, Sweden sition and translation, in a concept with such positive [email protected] undertones as cosmopolitanism, there is also the ethical Art. 7, p. 2 of 13 Källén and Hegardt: A Cosmopolitan History of Archaeology: The Olov Janse Case ambition to encourage positive coexistence and mutual and mostly to Paris, where he eventually got a position respect in today’s world. as curator at the Musée d’Archéologie Nationale de Saint- The introduction to the influential book Cosmopolitan- Germain-en-Laye, and where he lectured at the Sorbonne ism, says in this spirit that ‘... [c]osmopolitanism, in its and the École de Louvre. He was offered a full professor- wide and wavering nets, catches something of our need to ship at the Sorbonne, but declined because it required ground our sense of mutuality in conditions of mutability, him to become French citizen. He returned every summer and to learn to live tenaciously in terrains of historic and to Sweden to work for the Museum of National Antiqui- cultural transition’ (Breckenridge et al. 2002: 4). This com- ties (after 2012 this was renamed The Swedish History bination of cosmopolitanism with ethics later appeared, Museum, in Swedish: Historiska museet) or with friends at with renewed force, in the years after 9/11. In one of the excavations. most significant, post-9/11, books on cosmopolitanism, In 1930 Janse married Ronny Sokolsky (1903–2000), Kwame Anthony Appiah writes with the specific aim of who was born in Grodno (then in Poland, now in Belarus) opening up the possibilities of the concept, beyond its and when she met Janse, was working for the Swedish- previous elite connotations, to become a more general Russian Trade Commission in Stockholm. Together they way of thinking about identity that contains movement, developed an interest in Asia, and in 1934 they embarked lack of fulfilment, and multiple affiliations, in order to use on the first of three archaeological expeditions to French cosmopolitanism as a form of contemporary ethics where Indochina (now Vietnam), where they excavated, travelled all humans are responsible for each other (Appiah 2006; and undertook ethnographic research in collaboration but see also Gonzalez Ruíbal 2009 for a different point with the École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO). of view). It is characteristic of this ‘ethical’ use of cosmo- Before the last of their three expeditions the Janses politanism, to firmly dissociate from, or try to ‘clean’, the were forced, because of political instability in France, to concept from its previous associations with a privileged, search for funding and support of their archaeology, else- Western, male, bourgeoisie. where. They found it in the USA at Harvard University. The two ‘cosmopolitans’ are thereby portrayed as two During their third expedition to Vietnam, the outbreak of distinct identities located at the opposite ends of the World War II and a new professional situation in Sweden, spectrum, where at one end, the classic cosmopolitan of forced them to relocate their work to the Philippines, and earlier days has harvested all the fruits of modern capi- from there they travelled to the United States where they talism, whereas at the other end, ‘cosmopolitans today settled as professional exiles. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/bha.248 are often the victims of modernity, failed by capitalism’s In the USA they both had careers. Olov worked first at upward mobility, and bereft of those comforts and cus- Harvard University and the Peabody Museum in Cam- toms of national belonging’ (Breckenridge et al. 2002: 6). bridge, Massachusetts, and later for the Office for Strategic This may immediately sound like the perfect reflection of Services (OSS, the US government’s wartime intelligence the social layout of the world today. But adopting such agency), in the State Department and then at the Smithso- a perpetrator-victim perspective we run the risk of end- nian Institution in Washington DC. Ronny developed her ing up with an unfortunate essentialising view of identity. own career at the Library of Congress in Washington DC. The real example of Olov Janse’s life and career testifies They became American citizens in 1948, and at the same to the complexity of personal identity formation, and time Ronny changed her first name to Renée. demonstrates that both forms of cosmopolitanism can be In the early 1950s Olov Janse returned Paris to work for, useful as templates in a history of archaeology focusing the recently established, UNESCO. His excavation reports on mobility, translation, and networks. To find theoreti- from Indochina and the Philippines were published in cal resonance in the case of Janse’s life we will therefore three extensive volumes with two different publishers, in combine Breckenridge’s and Appiah’s influential texts on the USA and Belgium (Janse 1947, 1951, 1958). He also cosmopolitanism, with Said’s equally influential essay on wrote his autobiography in Swedish for a Swedish pub- a privileged and academic, but also traumatic and life- lisher (Janse 1959). In 1958 he made one last journey to changing, form of exile (Said 2000). Asia, on a lecture tour to Saigon (then in South Vietnam) and Korea. But for the most part Olov and Renée remained One Man, Five Characters in the USA and fostered their identities as knowledgeable Olov Robert Thure Janse was born in Norrköping, Sweden travellers, and international experts, moving in the high This article has been corrected here: in 1892.