Sufferer's Market Sufferation and Economic Ethics in Jamaica Jovan Scott Lewis London School of Economics and Political Science A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy —July 2014— Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 67, 320 words. !2 Abstract In Jamaica the economic environment is characterized by abiding foreign dependence, stagnant growth, and deficient development. This thesis, based on fifteen months of fieldwork in Montego Bay is concerned with the everyday understanding and management of Jamaica's adverse economy. This is explored through an ethnographic analysis of economic practice among five groups variously involved in Montego Bay's tourist sector. These groups include Sindhi merchants, local craft vendors, an artisan cooperative, a Rastafarian tour village, and local lottery scammers. Their dynamic case studies illustrate a diverse set of responses to the constricted political, economic, and social structures of the Jamaican economy, depicted as one of comprehensive and inescapable precariousness, or as a state of sufferation. This thesis examines these groups' everyday strategies and ethics of survival in sufferation, which include articulations of market failure, production, commercial skill, cultural property, and capital seizure. From these strategies emerges an understanding of how notions of history, citizenship, race, and cooperation structure the formation of economic practice, and bear upon constructions of the market. !3 This thesis is dedicated to the love of my life Zaviear, and the love of our lives, our baby boy Rhys. You both sustain me. !4 In memory of Marvie. We love you. !5 Contents Acknowledgements | 7 List of Acronyms | 10 Introduction | 12 Sufferer's Market One | 56 A So Black People Stay Craft Vendors of Bay Fort Market Two | 91 Putting Able Hands to Work Jamaica Indigenous Artisan Cooperation Three | 126 Enter Through the Gift Shop The Sindhi Merchant Community Four | 166 Babylon Makes the Rules The Rastafari Indigenous Village Five | 202 Seizing Life Lottery Scammers in Montego Bay Conclusion | 231 Better Must Come References | 238 Appendix | 254 Notes |259 !6 Acknowledgements It is probably impossible to acknowledge all of the people and experiences that contribute to the conceiving, researching, and writing of a PhD thesis. Undoubtedly, for me the greatest thanks must go to my family. In particular, my wife Zaviear has been the most wonderful partner throughout this all. In taking this adventure from our little South Florida suburb to London, we have both grown up and closer together—our love is quite special. During this time we have even grown our family, with the welcoming of our son Rhys who was born just weeks before I completed this thesis. You both have been the most inspiring (and sometimes joyfully distracting) motivators to getting this thing done, and I can’t wait for the many days of fun to come. My mother, Susan, is a marvel. Bringing me up single-handedly is the mark of a great mother, but the support and unconditional love you have provided throughout has proven you to be a remarkable human being. My grandmother Barbara, though she passed away nearly twenty years ago, I owe to her my "people watching" skills that helped set the foundation for my capability as an ethnographer. I hope she would have been proud. My "brother" Amlak has been an indefatigable interlocutor throughout my PhD and an excellent teacher. At the LSE my greatest thanks go to my supervisors Laura Bear and Mukulika Banerjee. I have to give particular thanks to Laura who saw the potential in my project years before any of that potential actually began to show—thanks for taking a chance. You and Mukulika are each wonderful examples of what it is to be an anthropologist and your fierce intelligence and incisiveness have helped produce the best out of my work and me. In addition to members of my !7 pre-field and post-field cohorts, I am particularly grateful for the friendships of Andrea Pia, Samer Abdelnour, and Dave Robinson. Making it to the LSE was in large part a result of the kind guidance and mentorship of several people at both the University of Miami and Florida International University. At UM, Dr. Edmund Abaka is known around campus for his kindness and willingness to help, especially young black students trying to make a way. I am very fortunate to have met him and to continue to have him as a mentor. At FIU Professor Alex Stepick is responsible for inspiring my academic pursuit in the social sciences with his kindness and genuine love for research! There is no greater influence from my time at FIU than Dr. Beth Cooper. In fact she is ultimately the reason why I came to the UK for my doctoral studies. In Jamaica I am firstly grateful for my grand-aunt, Aunt Pinky, whose generosity knows no bounds. It was a wonderful time living and laughing with you for all of those months. And thank you for taking such interest in my work. To the rest of the crew at Queen Street—Aunty Valerie, Nia, Colin, Robert, and even the two mongrel dogs, Fluff and Spot—thanks for keeping it interesting. My brother Adam was a great help during my time in Montego Bay, and I will remain forever grateful for his contribution. I want to thank the women of Bay Fort for sharing their experiences with me; I hope I have done them justice. To the Sindhis on the hip strip, especially "Lakshan," thanks for warming up to me and sharing your time, your work "ethic" has been an inspiration throughout this writing process. Also, many thanks to the Sindhi "Big Men" who spoke candidly and were most welcoming. To JAMIA, RIV, and the "Get Money" crew, you !8 all went above and beyond to help me understand your experiences and your eloquence in articulating those experiences made this thesis what it is. Particular thanks go to Baldwin at JAMIA, and First Man and Arlene from RIV. !9 List of Acronyms DCFS: Department of Cooperative and Friendly Societies EADUMC: Ethio-Africa Diaspora Union Millennium Council JAMIA: Jamaica Indigenous Artisans Cooperative JAMPRO: Jamaica Promotions Company JIPO: Jamaica Intellectual Property Office JLP: Jamaica Labour Party JSIF: Jamaica Social Investment Fund JTB: Jamaica Tourist Board PNP: People’s National Party RIV: Rastafari Indigenous Village SDC: Social Development Commission TPDCo.: Tourism Product Development Company WIPO: World Intellectual Property Organization !10 If we must die—let it not be like hogs Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot, While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs, Making their mock at our accursed lot. If we must die—oh, let us nobly die, So that our precious blood may not be shed In vain; then even the monsters we defy Shall be constrained to honor us though dead! Oh, Kinsmen! We must meet the common foe; Though far outnumbered, let us show us brave, And for their thousand blows deal one deathblow! What though before us lies the open grave? Like men we'll face the murderous, cowardly pack, Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back! Claude McKay, "If We Must Die" !11 Introduction Sufferer's Market Huh, leaders listen to these words I'm utterin' Firmly, I ain't stutterin' Look around can't you see my people sufferin' The future is weak and it's gutterin', well! -Bounty Killa, "Sufferer"; 2006 This thesis is concerned with how culturally and historically influenced ethics are embedded into the economic processes and everyday lives of Jamaicans. To this end I spent fifteen months with craft vendors; an artisan cooperative, the Jamaica Indigenous Artisans Co-op (JAMIA); Sindhi merchants; a Rastafarian tour village—the Rastafari Indigenous Village; and local lottery scammers, who variously participate in the tourist economy of Montego Bay. The ethics and strategies of these groups represent a diverse set of responses to the constricted political, economic, and social structures of the Jamaican economy. That economy can be characterized as one of comprehensive and inescapable precariousness, or as a state of sufferation. Despite the broader potential implications of such a term, such as in physical suffering, everyday claims of sufferation are predominantly made in response to adverse economic circumstances. Like in other accounts of social suffering, sufferation "results from what political, economic, and !12 institutional power does to people and, reciprocally, from how these forms of power themselves influence responses to social problems" (Kleinman, Das, and Lock 2007:ix). Sufferation is a descriptive public discourse used in Jamaican society to denote a condition of being existentially and economically stuck. It is the desire for progress, while lacking the traction and momentum for its accomplishment, and is perhaps more specifically characterized by "…the will to consume outstrip[ping] the opportunity to earn" (Commaroff and Commaroff 2001:27). This latter description highlights the context in which claims of sufferation are most commonly expressed, such as instances of not having the money for a child's school fees, to pay one's utilities, or to buy food.