NO. 46 OCTOBER 2018 Introduction Evangelicals and Politics in Latin America Religious Switching and Its Growing Political Relevance Claudia Zilla Jair Messias Bolsonaro, the former army captain and recently elected Brazilian presi- dent from the Social Liberal Party (PSL) with the campaign slogan “Brazil above every- thing; God above everyone”, is a paramount example of the linkage between politics and Evangelical values, interests, and actors in Latin America: In May 2016, Bolsonaro was baptised in the Jordan River by Pastor Everaldo Pereira, a prominent leader of the Assembly of God church and the head of the Social Christian Party (PSC); pictures and videos of the ceremony were circulated on the internet. Bolsonaro counted on the support of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front of the National Congress, comprising 199 deputies with diverse party affiliations and 60 percent of the Evangelical elec- torate’s voting intention for the electoral run-off. Edir Macedo, founder of the Uni- versal Church of the Kingdom of God and owner of the second largest media network in Brazil, endorsed Bolsonaro’s candidacy and broadcasted a favourable interview with him on his TV programme. In Latin America, candidates with conservative-value agendas and strong positions on authority and order as well as against crime and cor- ruption are especially attractive to the rapidly growing number of Evangelical churches and believers in the region. At the same time, they have become an important target group of politicians of different parties searching for support. Although conservative political agendas gelicals and PT voters stem from a common and Evangelical values and interests con- social sector: people with lower incomes verge strongly, leftist candidates in Brazil and education levels. Moreover, a personal have nevertheless sought to gain Evangeli- union between religion and politics has cal support – not without success. For become a common feature in Brazil. For many years, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the 2018 general elections, more than 500 his Workers’ Party (PT) enjoyed great sym- persons registered their candidacies while pathy among Evangelicals. In 2014, the adding religious titles to their names – incumbent president, Dilma Rousseff (PT), “pastor” being the most frequent. Today, attended the inauguration of the Temple of Brazilian Evangelicals seem to be conquer- Solomon in São Paulo, a mega-church that ing the middle and upper classes and tipp- accommodates 10,000 worshipers and is ing the electoral balance in a more cohesive headed by Bishop Edir Macedo. Most Evan- way in favour of right-wing candidates. The Silent Migration making by adults who are associated with a stronger commitment to the religion, their A silent but increasingly visible religious own church, and their community. transformation has taken place not only in Brazil but all over Latin America. Since the 1950s – and more intensively since the Evangelical Diversity 1970s – the Roman Catholic Church has been losing members, not in favour of secu- Evangelicals (Spanish: evangélicos) constitute larism but of a growing religious pluralism. an ambiguous and contested concept that Especially Evangelical churches have gained refers to a heterogeneous group of largely followers over the years. Only four coun- independent Protestant churches associated tries in the region show different trends. with different national and regional federa- Stable Catholicism. In Mexico and Para- tions. Nomenclatures and classifications guay, the Catholic Church has not experi- within this religious universe are not strictly enced (substantial) losses, as in the rest consistent across languages, religious author- of Latin America, with 80 and 89 percent ities, or research. In this article, “Evangeli- of the populations, respectively, defining cal” is used as an umbrella concept that in- themselves as Catholic, and only 5 percent cludes first and foremost Pentecostals, Neo- as Evangelical. Pentecostals, and Neo-Charismatic move- Growing secularism. The number of athe- ments. Members of the historical Protestant ists and agnostics has significantly aug- churches, such as Lutherans and Calvinists, mented only in two countries: Chile (38%) that is, the so-called immigrant’s churches and Uruguay (41%). or transplantation churches in Latin Ameri- Religious switching. In most of Latin Amer- ca, are not covered by the term. Rather, ica, however, data evince a strong corre- Evangelical designates a wide range of lation between the declining number of indigenous churches of a more recent date people who describe themselves as Catholic that share several of the following features: and the rise of non-Catholic Christians, They have a literal approach to the Bible, mainly Evangelicals. According to Latino- believe that Jesus will return during their barómetro 2018, fewer than half of the lifetime, and that God intervenes in daily populations of Honduras (37%), El Salvador life, for example granting good health and (38%), Nicaragua (40%), Guatemala (43%), material wealth to Christians of strong faith and the Dominican Republic (48%) regard (prosperity gospel). Worship services often themselves as Catholic. These same coun- involve experiences considered as “gifts tries exhibit the highest rates of Evangeli- of the Holy Spirit”, such as divine healing, cals (in the same order: 39%, 28%, 32%, speaking in tongues, exorcism, and receiv- 41%, 21%) in Latin America. Although ing direct revelations from God. Although Brazil (54%), Panama (55%), and Costa Rica the Vatican and the Catholic Church in (57%) still retain a Catholic majority, more Latin America adopt a similarly conserva- than a quarter of their populations consider tive stance regarding moral questions and themselves as Evangelical. Between 1995 social issues, Evangelicals are usually more and 2017, 10 countries saw their shares of strongly opposed to abortion, homosexuali- Catholics reduced by between 22 and 39 ty, same-sex marriage, artificial means of percentage points. The decline has been birth control, sex outside of marriage, and especially substantial in Central America. drinking alcohol. This difference remains Surveys confirm that most Evangelicals valid between Catholics and Evangelicals have converted from the historically domi- with the same levels of religious observance. nant religion. Normally, they have turned Among Evangelicals, especially Neo-Pente- from being “passive Catholics” into “active costals, charity – and, in particular, mis- Evangelicals”, since Evangelicalism is not a sionary work – is of great importance and question of birth but of conscious decision- widespread. For this reason, and because of SWP Comment 46 October 2018 2 their numerical growth, the expansion of the experiences concerning economic pro- Evangelical churches in the region has been gress and social advancement. called the “second evangelisation”. After having supported the liberal politi- Some Evangelical, mostly Neo-Pente- cal forces that defended religious freedom costal communities headed by charismatic and the separation of state and church leaders have transformed themselves from during the process of state-building in Latin “garage temples” into “mega-churches” America, the Protestant churches in the located in former theatres and new monu- region broadly divided into two sectors with mental buildings. The Brazilian Universal contrary orientations: more autochthonous Church of the Kingdom of God as well as churches that addressed social questions and the Assembly of God church, which have engaged in charity work on the one hand, spread all over the region, illustrate this and, on the other hand, those churches development. From a theological perspec- influenced by US Evangelicals that were tive, it is questionable whether these move- socially and theologically more conservative ments qualify as religions, since they lack and dedicated to evangelisation. Whereas a coherent and substantial doctrine. They the former were traditionally prone to frequently resemble family enterprises, a closer church–world relationship, and featuring relatives as appointed managers thus to politics, the latter turned their at the top of different “business branches”: backs on the world (fuga mundi). Yet, over the temples (event centres), media (news- the years, the conservative groups repre- papers, radio, TV), religious merchandising, sented by Neo-Pentecostals have become etc. They show a special interest in entering prominent and partly adopted a more open the middle and upper social classes and attitude towards the world that is compat- winning the endorsements of prominent ible with political intervention. As a conse- and popular individuals. quence, they now enjoy greater visibility. Religious and Political Motivations Going into Politics According to a 2014 survey of the Pew In the 1980s and 1990s, Guatemala pro- Research Center, when asked about the vided the first two Evangelical heads of reasons for their Evangelical conversion, state in Latin America – General Efraín former Catholics most commonly chose the Ríos Montt and the democratically elected following options: seeking a personal con- Jorge Serrano Elías – decades before Jimmy nection with God (81%); enjoy style of wor- Morales came to power in 2016. Since the ship at new church (69%); wanted greater third wave of democratisation in the 1980s, emphasis on morality (60%); found church several Evangelical political parties have that helps members more (59%); outreach been founded (and disappeared)