LAND AND FREEDOM: THE IRISH IN THE TEXAS REVOLUTION GRAHAM DA VIS Bath College of Higher Education (Resumen) Los inmigrantes irlandeses jugaron un papel interesante en la Revolución tejana de 1836. Su experiencia puede sugerir que el énfasis que la retórica contemporánea otorga al conflicto cultural, que también se ha utilizado para justificar la guerra, no fuera el elemento decisivo en la revolución. Muchos irlandeses vinieron a Tejas entre 1829 y 1834 para aprovechar de una oportunidad única y atractiva: el gobierno mejicano ofreció extensas concesiones de terreno a empresarios, quienes, a su vez, alistaron a colonizadores irlandeses para poblar las nuevas comunidades rancheras. Los colonizadores vinieron en búsqueda de libertad y fortuna, pero fueron obligados a participar en una guerra para defenderlas. Los eventos dramáticos de la época anterior a la revolución forzaron a todos los vecinos de Tejas, los anglo­ americanos, los téjanos y los irlandeses, a declarar su apoyo a favor de uno de los dos bandos del conflicto, los centralistas o los federalistas, y luego por la República de Tejas o Méjico. Many peoples assign themselves historie roles and not a few claim a historie mission as God's chosen people as the defenders of the true faith, members of a superior culture or beneficiaries of a manifest destiny. At the birth of a republic, fashioned by bitter struggle, massacre and military victory, a triumphalist rhetoric is to be expected. What is more unexpected and intriguing is the language and outlook of the participants in the Texas Revolution—a language of freedom that incorporated a variety of meanings and identities. Traditionally, the story of the Texas Revolution in 1836 has been understood in terms of the freedom of Anglo-American settlers in a war of independence against a despotíc Mexican govemment. Through its most famous incident, the siege of the Álamo, celebrated in numerous books and films, the Texas Revolution has become a symbol of courage and sacrifice in the cause of aspiring nationhood.' "Ever since Texas unfurled the banner of freedom and commenced a warfare for 'Liberty or Death' our hearts have been enlisted in her behalf," wrote Daniel W. Cloud, a young Kentucky lawyer who a few months later was to become one of the defenders of the Alamo.^ 1. See Don Graham, "Remembering the Álamo: The Story of the Texas Revolution in Popular Culture," Southwestem Historical Quarteriy 89 (July 1985): 35-66, and Jeff Long, Duel ofEagles: The Mexican and US Fightfor the Álamo (New York: Morrow 1990). 2. Cloud, letter to his brother in Kentucky, 26 December 1835, Líbrary of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas at the Álamo, New Nachitoches, Louisiana 82 Graham Davis Qoud's high-flown language is representative of the spirit of ¡dealism and heroism in which the events of 1836 have been mostly portrayed (Lord). Yet in truth the Revolution started as a civil war between centralists and federalists within México and ended as a war of independence from México by settlers in Texas (Weber, Mexican Frontier 242-72). The main participants in this struggle, Anglo-Americans, Téjanos (Mexican-Texans) and Irish settlers, all employed the language of freedom but their meanings varíed according to circumstance and cuhural valúes.^ The Anglo-American settlers wanted to preserve the freedom of virtual self- govemment that was allowed with the generous provisión of land by the Mexican govemment. The Téjanos also wished to preserve freedom from interference by the central govemment of México but were also concemed abóut the increasing Americanization of Texas that made them "foreigners in their own land" (Weber, Myth 146). The Irish who carne on the promise of great tracts of land set in an earthly paradise, found to their constemation, that they were obligated to defend "their" property by forcé of arms. The young republic of México that won its independence from Spain in 1821 was vulnerable to the threat of American expansión foUowing the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. The neighbouring Mexican province of Coahuila y Texas was a large, fertile territory coveted by the United States. Indeed, several attempts had been made to purchase Texas but the Mexican govemment preferred to retain it and popúlate the country with settlers as a buffer against potential American expansión (Weber, Mexican Frontier 158-78). Inevitably this included Americans who were attracted by the prospect of large tracts of land and, in some cases, by the opportunity to escape from criminal charges in the United States. Thus one authority suggests a high proportion of debtors and malefactors among the adventurers who crossed the border during the heady atmosphere of 'Texas fever" (Nackman 441-55). Daniel W. Cloud was one such adventurer who revealed his motives in two remarkable letters: Our Brothers of Texas were invited by the Mexican govemment while republican in its form, to come and settle. They have endured all the privations and suffering incident to the settlement of the frontier country and have surrounded themselves with all the comforts and conveniences of life. Now the Mexicans with unblushing effrontery cali on them to submit to (hereafter LDRT). 3. Angjo-Americans or Anglos may be generally defined as white, English-speaking people but there were a number of other Europeans (Irish, Germans and Poles, for instance) who fought on the Texan side. Mexicans may include people from México or of Mexican descent, and Téjanos may be understood as Mexican residents of Texas. Mestizos may be known as people of mixed Spanish and Indian ancestry. The Irish include those bom in Ireland who arrived in Texas via the United States and those who carne directly from Ireland. Land and Freedom. 83 monarchial, tyrannical despotism at the bare mention of which every true hearted son of Kentucky feels an instinctive horror foUowed by firm and steady glow of virtuous indignation. The cause of philanthropy, of humanity, of liberty and human happiness throughout the world calis loudly on every man who can aid Texas/ The legitimacy of rebellion by Anglo-American settlers against the Mexícan govemment was sanctioned by the overthrow of the Republic and the liberal constitution of 1824 by Santa Anna, the President of México. By invoking the precedent of earlier rebellions, Cloud gave credence to a sense of historie mission that explained the ultimate triumph of the Anglo-Americans in Texas. Inheriting the oíd Saxon spirit of 1640 in England [the Parliamentary revolt against King Charles I], 1776 in America [the Declaration of Independence from the Britain of George III], the inhabitants of Texas throw off the chains of Santa Anna, assert their independence, assume a national sovereignty, and send a corps of diplomatic agents to the parent state of Washington.' Thus, the ultimate political goal of belonging to the United States instead of to México was clearly stated. The ultimate personal goal of acquiring untold wealth was at least implicit beneath the foUowing peroration: If we succeed the country is ours: it is immense in extent and fertile in its soil and will amply reward our toils. If we fail, death in the cause of liberty and humanity is not cause for shuddering. Our rifles are by our sides and choice guns they are, we know what awaits us and are prepared to meet it.' When the guns were fired in eamest during the desperate defence of the Álamo, William Barret Travis, the commander, surrounded by the overwhelming number of Santa Anna's Mexican army and perhaps sensing his place in history sent a message to "the People of Texas and all Americans in the world": "I cali on you in the ñame of liberty, of patriotism and of everything dear to the American character, to come to our aid with all despatch."^ Alongside the crusade for freedom and the quest for land (volunteers to the Téxan army were promised entitlement to land upon enlistment) it has been commonly asserted there were key issues of cultural conflict between the Anglo-American settlers 4. Cloud, letter to his brother, 26 December 1835, LDRT. 5. Cloud, letter to a yound friend in Kentucky, Jackson Mississipian, 6 May 1836, printed in the Russellville Adviser, Kentucky, LDRT. 6. Cloud, letter to his brother, 26 December 1835, LDRT. 7. William Barrett Travis, Bexar, 24 February 1836, LDRT. 84 Graham Davis and the Mexicans (Fehrenbach 152-73). It was an official requirement of settlement in México that the Amerícans should become Catholics and even though Protestant Services were not, in practice, prohibited, this was a source of irritation. Also, under Mexican iegislation enacted in 1829, slavery was prohibited. This was interpreted by the Americans, who were mostly from the southem states, as an attack on their rights of private property (Lack, "Slavery" 181-202). Different traditions of justice were a further cause of división. Whilst the Mexicans gave their mayors (alcaldes) great discretion and authority in the exercise of justice, Americans were used to a system of trial by jury. Moreover, a major source of grievance was the lack of political autonomy in Texas since the province had been joined to Coahuila in 1824 and was administered by the capital from Saltillo (later Monclova) situated hundreds of miles from the Austin colony centred on Washington on the Brazos river. These grievances had largely been settled by Iegislation in 1834 but they became incorporated into a broader racial antipathy once hostilities began in the foUowing year. Historians sympathetic to the Mexican position have stressed that the deep hostility to the Mexican people was rooted in an historie suspicion of Catholics by the Protestant European migrants to America. What has been descríbed as "the black legend" was a cocktail of prejudice composed of memories of the Spanish Inquisition, the Spanish Armada and the cruel oppression of the "conquistadores" in South America.