Environment and Planning A 2006, volume 38, pages 69 ^ 83 DOI:10.1068/a37229 `New economy' discourse and spaces in Singapore: a case study of one-north Kai Wen Wong, Tim Bunnell Department of Geography, National University of Singapore, 1 Arts Link, Kent Ridge, Singapore 117570; e-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Received 20 October 2004; in revised form 21 December 2004 Abstract. In this paper we examine government-led attempts to transform Singapore into, or for, a so-called `new economy'. We show how `new economy' may be understood as a powerful discourse rationalising a range of policy and planning interventions. We focus in particular on `one-north', a would-be technopole for biomedical, information technology, and media industries in the southwest of Singapore. We show how the planning of one-north has included the selection and reworking of residential areas as `little bohemias' considered conducive for fostering new-economy cultures. Though it has been gaining prominence, specifically following the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s, one-north is contextualised in terms of broader new-economy interventions by the state in Singapore, which, in turn, have resonances for similar initiatives elsewhere. 1 Introduction The transition towards a `new economy' is the subject of a large body of work within geography and the social sciences more generally. This new economy is conventionally characterised by two intertwined processes: first, the emergence of an information mode of production in which ``productivity and competitiveness are increasingly based on the generation of new knowledge and on the access to, and processing of, appro- priate information'' (Castells and Hall, 1994, page 3); and, second, tendencies towards the functional integration of economic activities and processes on a global scale, facilitated by advances in information and communications technologies (ICTs) (Castells and Hall, 1994, page 3; see also Castells, 1989). Geographers have paid attention to the sociospatial processes and implications of the emerging new economy as they seek to debunk the `end of geography' rhetoric commonly associated with utopian accounts of advances in ICTs (compare Ohmae, 1990). Four main geographical dimensions of the new economy are evident in the existing literature. First, geographers have highlighted the continued significance of nation- states in influencing the direction and nature of global flows of capital and talent. Instead of being `overwhelmed' by global forces, there is a reworking of state institu- tions, policies, and power as nation-states seek to (re)assert their place in the world economy (Dicken, 2003; Yeung, 1998). Second, geographers have pointed out how globalisation and technological processes are contingent upon infrastructures and face-to-face interactions concentrated in specific localities, such as technopoles (Castells and Hall, 1994), global cities (Sassen, 1991), `new industrial spaces' (Castells, 1989; Scott, 1987), and `neo-Marshallian nodes' (Amin and Thrift, 1992). Third, geog- raphers emphasise how flows of capital, people, and knowledges occur through social networks that are grounded in and have effects upon everyday places and spaces (Castells, 2000; Thrift and Olds, 1996). Olds (1995, page 1717), for instance, has noted how the development of urban megaprojects to reimage urban localities, in the context of intense interurban competition to hold down global flows of capital and talent, is bound up with ``worldwide social networks of knowledge-based experts who have the resources and power (or the access to power) to impact decisions in ... property 70 K W Wong, T Bunnell development and planning.'' Fourth, geographers elucidate the uneven impacts of the shift towards the new economy upon society and space whereby existing sociospatial inequalities may be reproduced in different forms (Bunnell, 2002; Hubbard and Hall, 1998). On the one hand, global flows of capital and transnational elites are sustained by other flows of low-skilled migrant workers who provide labour at a low cost to facilitate the reproduction of well-paid and highly skilled transnational labour (Sassen, 1991; Yeoh and Chang, 2001). On the other hand, the privileging of groups and individuals possessing technological know-how, speed, creativity, flexibility, and entre- preneurship in the new economy means that those who are unable and/or unwilling to `perform' accordingly may find themselves marginalised (Coe and Kelly, 2000; 2002; Thrift, 1998). Geographers have therefore stressed the enduring, though reworked, importance of space and place to the reproduction of globalisation and technological processes under- lying the shift towards the new economy. However, though the above strands of work provide important insights into the working of the new economy, we argue that it is also important for geographers to examine critically the kinds of discourses that are mobilised by various actors to rationalise and/or legitimise the processes of socio- spatial transformation in specific contexts. At the same time, we stress that often conflicting articulations of new-economy discourses produce material sociospatial out- comes. There has been increasing attention within geography to the complex articulations and material effects of the new economy as a discourse through various engagements with Foucaldian notions of governmentality, culture, and power or knowledge. Whereas Thrift (1998; 2000) critiques the kinds of academic, business, and media discourses about the new economy through which managers seek to realise themselves as ``Homo Silicon Valleycus'' (Thrift, 2000, page 688), Bunnell (2004) focuses on how utopian discourses of `high-tech' have been mobilised by Malaysian political elites to legitimise the devel- opment of the Multimedia Super Corridor, resulting in the exacerbation of existing sociospatial inequalities through the displacement of in situ plantation communities. In this paper we seek to contribute to existing geographical work on discursive constructions of the new economy by focusing on how this has been used to rationalise state interventions in the national space economy at particular moments in Singapore. Although Coe and Kelly (2000; 2002) have already examined how `flexible', `creative', and `innovative' worker subjectivities are (re)produced through state discourses about the `knowledge-based economy' in Singapore in the period following the Asian financial crisis, they neglect, on one hand, important historical precedents and, on the other, the material geographical implications of such rhetoric. We argue that it is important to examine such absences as they reveal how the new economy is con- structed both historically and geographically within the sociopolitical context of Singapore. We address both absences of Coe and Kelly's accounts by tracing across time and space the planning process at one-north, a technopole for the biomedical, ICT, and media industries to be developed on around 200 hectares of land in the southwestern part of Singapore over the next fifteen to twenty years (see figure 1). In so doing, we show how new-economy discourses have been (re)articulated at certain points in the developmental trajectory of Singapore and their material effects on the planning of one-north. We choose to focus on one-north as this project has been explicitly described in state discourse as not only ``the icon of the new economy in Singapore'' (Lim N C, 2000) but also an important `national' project to ``transport Singapore's economy into the knowledge age'' (Tan, 2001). The project was known as the Science Hub before it was renamed one-north (written in the lower case in official representations of the project) in December 2001 to symbolise ``Singapore's unique geographical location in the globe and its aspirations to be connected to the region, the world, and be innovative'' `New economy' discourse and spaces in Singapore 71 KTM railway line MRT station line one-north site Figure 1. The one-north project in Singapore. (Lim N C, 2001a). The ways in which the planning process has been carried out at one-north have also been explicitly prescribed and/or rationalised in state discourse in relation to the supposed ideals of the new economy, with planners encouraged to ``try new ideas, to experiment, and not be bound by traditional planning paradigms'' (Lim N C, 2001b). Our discussion is organised as follows. First, we examine how new-economy discourses have been (re)articulated at particular `crisis' moments in the developmental trajectory of Singapore, within a political context in which the legitimacy and ideological hegemony of the government, led by the People's Action Party (PAP) since 1959, rest very much upon sustaining the economic well-being of Singaporeans. Next, we detail how the planning process of one-north, in particular, is intertwined with the latest and ongoing rise to prominence of new-economy rhetoric in Singapore. Finally, we consider how residential areas for those working in one-north have been selected and reinvented as `little bohemias', spaces deemed conducive for fostering new-economy cultures and lifestyles. 72 K W Wong, T Bunnell 2 (Re)articulating the `new economy' in Singapore In state rhetoric about the new economy, Singapore is to be a technologically advanced and culturally vibrant global cityöan important node in the global flows of capital, talent, and ideasöin which the fostering and leveraging of linkages among the cul- tural, technological,