7. Moderate and mainstream: Leadership in the National Council of Women of Australia, 1930s–1970s Judith Smart1 and Marian Quartly2 A major step in the development of women’s activism and civic awareness in Australia was the formation of National Councils of Women in all States between 1896 and 1910, culminating in the emergence of the Federated Councils in 1924– 25 and the National Council of Women of Australia (NCWA) in 1931.3 Linked to the International Council of Women (ICW), and through it first to the League of Nations and later the United Nations, the council movement provided, in the words of one of its early leaders, a conduit for mainstream Australian women’s organisations and their members to ‘accomplish good, useful, humane work in the best interests of the nation’.4 It aimed to ‘bring together for discussion [and] the forming of public opinion, the workers who are doing the practical work of social education and improvement’.5 Because the council was conceived as an umbrella structure, existing women’s groups of all kinds could gather under its shelter at national and international levels to discuss matters of common interest, to gather information and to learn from each other in order to promote peace and general wellbeing. This structure also ensured that leadership within the council would develop along the lines described by Amanda Sinclair as ‘adaptive’: ‘a process of influence … aimed at mobilising people towards changes … in values, attitudes, approaches, behaviours and ideologies.’6 Though the councils included radicals among their affiliates, the feminist face they presented was self-consciously moderate with an emphasis on information, education and cooperation rather than on activism, agitation and opposition. The councils’ two founding objectives dedicated constituent members to ‘unity of thought, sympathy and purpose’ among women ‘of all classes, parties and creeds’ and, importantly, to the ‘the application of the Golden Rule to society, custom and law’ in the interests of, as the preamble to the constitution put 1 RMIT University and The University of Melbourne. 2 Monash University. 3 The organisation was named the National Council of Women of Australia (NCWA) in 1931, but it became known generally as the Australian National Council of Women (ANCW) before it officially returned to the original NCWA nomenclature in 1970. 4 Australian Woman’s Sphere, December 1901. 5 ‘Presidential Address’, in National Council of Women of Queensland (NCWQ), Annual Report 1930/1931, 7. 6 Amanda Sinclair, Chapter 1, this volume. 129 Diversity in Leadership: Australian women, past and present it, ‘the highest good of the family and the State’.7 But membership of the ICW also committed the Australian councils to a growing list of policies that reflected a broad liberal equal rights feminist agenda and inevitably involved them in lobbying and policy development, usually through specialist standing committees. Until the mid 1970s, the councils were the major voice of mainstream women’s views in government and community forums, and the number of their affiliated organisations enabled NCWA leaders to claim they represented the views of more than a million Australian women. Through its ICW affiliation and its participation in regional conferences and seminars, NCWA was also the strongest non-governmental organisation channel via which Australian women could speak and be heard internationally. In this chapter, we examine the constraints this broad leadership role placed on national presidents from the 1930s to the 1970s and the various means they employed to inform and lead their diverse membership on the issues of equity and justice to which affiliation with the ICW committed them. The National Councils of Women (NCW) developed in a period when leadership styles available, even in politically radical feminist groups (such as Vida Goldstein’s Women’s Political Association or Bessie Rischbieth’s Australian Federation of Women Voters), generally assumed a masculinist model of power and a hierarchical organisational structure. In the early years of the councils’ history into the 1920s, status and class also played important roles in defining leadership qualities, the first presidents in most States being vice-regal wives, with their successors coming from the local social elite, whose wealth enabled them to travel and act as delegates to ICW conferences. From the late 1920s, professionally qualified women—doctors, lawyers, school principals, social workers, university teachers—became more prominent, and the spectrum of expertise grew wider in succeeding decades. It might be thought that such women would assume that, because of their social or expert status, where they led others would automatically follow. But because the councils were coalitions and affiliation was voluntary, status did not always mean power, and constitutional authority had to be adapted to specific circumstances. From the inception of the ICW, achieving common cause among women meant that formal control by national councils over their members had to be limited and political engagement circumscribed. The version of this principle in a recent National Council of Women Victoria (NCWV) constitution reads: The Council is broadly based non party political and non sectarian, bringing together a wide range of community interests. Therefore, an 7 Australian Woman’s Sphere, December 1901. 130 7. Moderate and mainstream organisation willing to become affiliated with Council shall remain to all intents and purposes autonomous beyond compliance with the terms of this Constitution. General adherence to this principle largely accounts for the longevity of the councils in Australia, and, as political scientist Carol Mueller has noted, the ‘rule- generating capacity’ of such mass-based formal organisations has enabled them to deal more effectively with internal discord than radical collectivist ones.8 But, because of the restricted constitutional power NCW leaders could exercise over member societies and the looseness of the NCWA’s federal structure, presidents and other office-bearers also had to focus on bringing members along with them rather than relying on rules and by-laws. The desirability of consensus in a rule-based context has encouraged flexibility and emphasised the value of networking and holding educational seminars and conferences. Policy has been developed by broadly representative standing committees, even if inevitably a great deal of the final writing work has fallen to a few individuals. Achieving consensus was, however, a slow process, and councils sometimes lagged behind their own more progressive affiliates. The council movement was founded on the belief that the welfare of home and family was the basis of racial and national fitness, as well as of the ideal international order: a family of nations. Tasmanian president in 1901, Lady Dodds, quoted the ICW’s first president, Lady Aberdeen, as saying: ‘We hold fast to the belief that woman’s first duty must be her home … and that by its home life every country will stand or fall.’9 In the mid 1920s, Mildred Muscio, newly elected NSW president and soon to be federal council president, elaborated on the public responsibility this entailed for women: [T]here is no real opposition between women’s interests inside the home and her interests outside the home. She must go outside the home in order to be efficient within it; and it is because of her real and important experience within the home that woman ought to go outside to take place in public affairs.10 Muscio also clearly recognised the change modern professional and scientific approaches had brought to this work—a process of rationalisation historical sociologist Kerreen Reiger has termed the ‘disenchantment of the home’.11 Doctors, lawyers, teachers and university women in the NCW played a key 8 Carol Mueller, ‘The Organisational Basis of Conflict in Contemporary Feminism’, inFeminist Organizations: Harvest of the New Women’s Movement, eds Myra Marx Ferree and Patricia Yancey Martin (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995), 263–75. 9 Mercury [Hobart], 26 April 1901. 10 National Council of Women New South Wales (NCWNSW), Biennial Reports for 1926–1928, 3. 11 After Max Weber. See Kerreen Reiger, The Disenchantment of the Home: Modernizing the Australian Family 1880–1940 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1985). 131 Diversity in Leadership: Australian women, past and present role in this development. As Muscio observed, ‘the woman who now faces … domestic problems is not the woman who faced them half a century ago: she brings education, science, logic and experience of the outside world to aid her’, for domestic problems ‘have become national problems … More and more our laws concern themselves with the affairs of the home’, and thus, ‘[i] ndustry, economics, politics, laws are only our own experience written larger’.12 In effect, the women’s movement had conducted a successful assault on the formerly dominant masculinist preoccupations of the public sphere, though its representatives had not achieved the power necessary to direct strategies for redressing the problems they had highlighted. The gendered inequality in the distribution of power was thus assuming greater importance in council deliberations at the time the NCWA was emerging. While suffrage had already been won at the national level in 1902 and in all States by 1908, and the right to stand for federal and State legislatures was also conceded between 1902 and 1924, other issues of equality