John Cabot and Christopher Columbus Revisited Francesc Albardaner i Llorens Introduction The Iberian peninsula is very rich in historical archives, and research in their holdings occasionally unearths new documents about important historical figures. While the most famous archives have been catalogued, and their most important documents studied by scholars, there are still a large number of repositories of lesser importance, housed in places like monasteries, churches, town halls, notarial associations and the like, that still contain uncatalogued records that have the potential to alter the way we think about significant historical events. In the last twenty years, several important documents relating to John Cabot and Christopher Columbus have come to light. In the 1980s an antiquarian bookseller in Tarragona sold the Spanish Ministry of Culture a manuscript that included several copies of letters written by Columbus, some of which were known but others which were completely new. This manuscript has now been deposited at the Archivo de Indias in Seville. These documents on Columbus have been studied and published by Antonio Rumeu de Armas, a member of the Royal Academy of History.1 John Cabot has not been so popular among Iberian historians in recent years. Nonetheless, Professor Juan Gil has located and published three new documents from the Municipal Archives of Seville, along with many other pieces of evidence relating to the discovery of America.2 Without denying the importance of the Columbus documents, in my opinion the three Cabot documents are more significant for two reasons. First, little is known about his life. Second, and even more important, there is a scholarly debate about his identity that these records may be able to clarify. In this paper I will evaluate much of this new evidence. But since a significant part of the debate has been invisible to the English-speaking audience, I will also have to go back in time to examine arguments advanced as far back as the 1920s in order to provide context. If the result is not a definitive clarification of the lives of these two men, it should at the very least lead to a better appreciation of the complexity of the evidence relating to the lives of these two important explorers. The Northern Mariner/Le Marin du nord, X, No. 2 (July 2000), 91-102. 91 92 The Northern Mariner John Cabot in Valencia and Barcelona, 1490-1493 In 1930 Salvador Carreras Zacares wrote an article about a fifteenth-century attempt to construct a permanent harbour for Valencia, a town that at the end of that century was at least as important as Barcelona in maritime trade, as well as being the economic and cultural centre of the kingdom ruled by the "Catholic King," Ferdinand.3 Carreras' article was based on several documents he had discovered in the Royal Archives of the Kingdom of Valencia and the Valencia Municipal Archives.4 For our purposes the importance of this essay was that it identified the progenitor of this project as a Venetian variously referred to as Johan Caboto Montecalunya, Johan Caboto or Johan Cabot. Carreras, however, did not relate this person to John Cabot, the explorer and discoverer of Canada. Little more than a decade later, Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois published a paper which claimed that the architect of this harbour development was indeed the famous John Cabot.5 He based his argument on the same documents Carreras had used, supplemented by some new sources in the Royal Archives in Barcelona.6 Since then, many authors have considered the relationship between John Cabot and Johan Caboto Montecalunya.7 The translation and publication of these documents by J. A Williamson in 1962 seem to have convinced most that Cabot was in Valencia between 1490 and 1493. Nonetheless, there are still scholars, like Brian Cuthbertson, who are more sceptical, believing that "although it is impossible to be certain, in all likelihood...'Johan Caboto Montecalunya' is our John Cabot."8 From letters sent by King Ferdinand to the Lord Mayor of Valencia, Don Diego de Torres, we may deduce that John Cabot was received by the monarch in Barcelona in September 1492, together with Gaspar Rull, a Catalan, who introduced Cabot to the court. The first letter from the King to the Lord Mayor (27 September 1492) suggests that Johan Caboto showed him some drawings of the harbour project. Since it was not easy to gain an audience with the King, it seems logical that Caboto had been in Barcelona for weeks or even months awaiting the meeting. This meeting convinced the ruler that there would be great benefits from the construction of the harbour; as a result, he became a strong supporter. This letter also tells us that Caboto had lived in Valencia since September 1490. Don Diego answered the King on 25 October. We can deduce from this letter that Caboto and Rull returned to Valencia after meeting the King to conduct some feasibility tests related to the harbour project and to select the quarry to provide the stone. When the tests turned out positive, the Mayor recommended going ahead and sent Caboto back to Barcelona to explain the results to the King. This means that Caboto likely was in Barcelona in November 1492. The next letters from the King to the Mayor about the new harbour were on 6 and 25 November 1492 and 26 February 1493. While this correspondence does not tell us how long Caboto remained in Barcelona, it likely was less than one month, since he had to solve many problems in Valencia, especially finding financial support for the project.10 This contact between Caboto and King Ferdinand raises other questions. Did Caboto go to Barcelona alone, or was he accompanied by one or more of his sons? It would be especially interesting to know if Sebastian met Ferdinand in 1492, since this could explain future relations among two important historical figures. The possible appearance of Sebastian Caboto in Barcelona could also explain why he chose Catalan sailors for his expedition to South America in 1525, despite the fact that the entire expedition was planned and prepared from Seville. John Cabot and Christopher Columbus Revisited 93 As Caboto's period of residence in Valencia seems to have been planned, perhaps as a representative of a Venetian merchant firm, it seems likely that he would have been accompanied by his entire family." And since the Catalan language is quite similar to a number of Italian dialects, Johan Caboto's sons might have learned Catalan during their stay. If so, this would explain the presence of a number of Catalan words on Sebastian Cabot's 1544 map of the western hemisphere. Although Ferdinand put his best efforts into the harbour project, the Council of Valencia voted against it on economic grounds. The last letter of the King to the members of the Council was dated 16 April 1493. The King searched for support especially from the influential brothers, Lluis and Jaume de Santangel, but with no success.12 But there is more: Christopher Columbus passed through Valencia at the end of March 1493, perhaps the same day, 28 March, on which the Valencia Council decided against going ahead with the harbour project. Was it the coincidence of the rejection of his project in Valencia and news about a "new world" that drove Johan Caboto to Seville? John Cabot in Seville, 1493-1495 Juan Gil, Professor of History at the University of Seville, is an extremely influential scholar who has published a number of books on Christopher Columbus and the discovery of America. Yet many scholars interested in John Cabot may have missed a book he wrote to commemorate the events of 1492 in which he brought to light three documents from the Municipal Archive of Seville dealing with Cabot.13 These records tell us that a Venetian named Johan Caboto arrived in Seville at the end of 1493 and remained throughout 1494, working for the municipality on a project to construct a stone bridge to link the city with the fishing village of Triana across the Guadalquivir River, where previously there had only been a "boat bridge" (puente de barcas). Although Professor Gil has not found the actual contract, its conditions can be deduced from two registered payments. The first was dated 15 September 1494: We, the mayor, the constable, the secretary and the twenty-four councilmen of the very noble and very loyal town of Seville, order you, Alonso Gonçâlez de la Taça, superintendent of this town in the present year...to pay to Mr. Johan Caboto, Venetian, currently living in our town, from today onwards and during the following five months, the amount of three reales de a treinta and three maravedises every day...in order that he may begin stocking cut stones and gathering wood as well as workers and other things that are necessary for the construction of this work.14 This first order was a necessary administrative formality so that Gonçâlez de Taça could proceed to pay Caboto. But a second document, issued the same day, was also required to transmit the funds. Among other things, it tells us that Johan Caboto had already been working for the municipality for three months. From this we may deduce that Caboto arrived in Seville at the end of 1493 or the beginning of 1494. We, the mayor, the constable, the secretary and the twenty-four councilmen of the very noble and very loyal town of Seville, order you, Alonso 94 The Northern Mariner Gonçàlez de la Taça, superintendent of this town for the present year...to pay to Mr. Johan Caboto, Venetian, resident in our town, fifty Castilian doblas, equivalent to seven thousand and three hundred maravedies...to cover the costs during the time that he has worked for us on the construction of a masonry bridge in this town, and from now on, we order you to pay him some amount of maravedies every day in order to cover the costs for the prosecution of the work as previously decided.15 Three months later, on 24 December, the councilmen learned that although Caboto had received several payments, construction had not yet begun.