Nuala Ní Scolláin Stereotypes and linguistic prejudices in Ireland Abstract (English) What sort of images does the word Ireland conjure up for you? A land of saints and scholars, or a mystical land of leprechauns and fairies? A recent Google search on ‘Irish Culture’ conjured up some 137 million results containing everything from potatoes, pints of Guinness, rural cottages, Irish dancers, musicians and of course our beloved Saint Patrick. Just some of the stereotypes perceived by the world, or at least by Google, of what being Irish entails. But what of we, the Irish ourselves? And what of our views on our own native language? Do these stereotypes merely exist in the minds of those living outside of the Emerald Isle, or are they present in the minds of the Irish themselves? Abstract (Gaelic) Cén cineál íomhánna a thugann an focal Éire chun cuimhne duitse? Tír na naomh agus na n-ollamh, nó tír thaibhseach na leipreachán agus na síog? Bhí de thoradh ar chuardach Google ar ‘Irish Culture’ le deireanas 137 milliún toradh ina raibh, idir eile, prátaí, piontaí Guinness, tithe beaga faoin tuath, damhsóirí Gaelacha, ceoltóirí agus, ar ndóigh, Naomh Pádraig ionúin is ansa linn. Níl ansin ach cuid de na steiréitíopaí is dóigh leis an tsaol mhór, nó le Google ar a laghad, maidir lena bhfuil i gceist más Éireannach thú. Ach cad é fúinne, na Gaeil féin? Agus cad é faoinár dtuairimí i leith ár dteanga dhúchais féin? An bhfuil na steiréitíopaí seo in intinn na ndaoine a chónaíonn lasmuigh den oileáinín ghlas, nó an bhfuil siad in intinn na nGael féin? Just some of the stereotypes perceived by the world, or at least by Google, of what being Irish entails. But what of we, the Irish ourselves? And what of our views on our own native language? Do these stereotypes merely exist in the minds of those living outside of the Emerald Isle, or are they present in the minds of the Irish themselves? When we speak about stereotypes in Ireland it is important to look at the his- torical context and how that has evolved over time, before and after the political divide of Ireland into North and South in 1921. Partition, or Irish independence – and it is referred to as both, depending on where you live and your outlook – came about as a group of Irish Nationalist Republicans fought to free Ireland from British Rule, which led to the unsuccessful militant attempt in 1916 known as The Easter Rising. Although this particular attempt was unsuccessful it led to The War of Independence which was fought in the years after The Easter Rising, 240 Nuala Ní Scolláin and resulted in Ireland being divided into two jurisdictions. It was agreed that the six predominantly unionist counties in the North of Ireland would remain under British Rule and that the remaining twenty-six counties would form an independent state known as the Irish Free State (and after the constitution of 1937 as the Republic of Ireland). The stereotypes of a particular group – such as Irish speakers – have an impact on how all members of that group are viewed and treated by society, and on their status in that society. Yet in a divided society such as Ireland, both North and South, this is a particularly interesting and complex issue due to the linguistic journey of both jurisdictions and the social and political standing of the Irish language in both jurisdictions. Written stereotypes of the Irish people can be found as far back as the 12th century when Gerald of Wales compiled his Topography of Ireland, an account of the landscape and people of Ireland written around 1188, soon after the Norman invasion. The text is reputed to have played a central role in shaping English colonial attitudes towards the Irish people, with images of the Irish such as this: The Irish are a rude people, subsisting on the produce of their cattle only, and liv- ing themselves like beasts – a people that has not yet departed from the primitive habits of pastoral life. (Cambrensis, 70) Although there is little or no reference in the above-mentioned text to the language of the people, the Irish language remained the majority tongue as late as 1800 despite various attempts to ban it (such as the Statutes of Kilkenny in 1366), but it became a minority language during the 19th century.1 A combination of politi- cal factors together with the Great Irish Potato Famine and the emigration that occurred in subsequent years contributed to this. Due to the introduction of the National Schools system in 1831, the Irish lan- guage was banned from school premises by order of the British Government; in fact children who spoke their native tongue were routinely punished and made to wear a “tally stick” around their neck which counted the number of times they had accidentally reverted to their mother tongue. This led to the stereotyping of the Irish language as backwards and associated with the lower classes. In fact, one of Ireland’s most prominent politicians at the time, Daniel O’Connell, although a native Irish speaker himself, encouraged the Irish to learn English to better themselves (Boylan 1998, 306). More than half a century would pass before the Irish language experienced a revival led by Irish language activists and scholars, which saw the foundation of The Gaelic League in 1893 – whose main objective was to encourage the use of 1 According to the 1841 census Ireland had 8,175,124 inhabitants. In 1841 4 million people in Ireland spoke Gaelic. (O‘Beirne Ranelagh 1994, 118). Stereotypes and linguistic prejudices in Ireland 241 the Irish language in everyday life – and a revival of Irish culture and music. These activists founded a weekly Irish language newspaper in which poetry, song, and short stories were published in the Irish language, something which was at odds with the cultural norm at the time. Authors such as Pádraig Pearse and Pád- raig Ó Conaire were given a platform to share their works in a style akin to Euro- pean Romantic literature, written in their native tongue. In this literature, a view emerges of the Irish language as something natural, elemental and expressive in its purity. After partition in 1921 a refined version of this romanticised stereotype begins to be recorded, in literature at least – one that links the Irish language to an idyllic setting in rural Ireland with a noble peasant class struggling against the elements to eke out a living. This stereotype is to be found extensively in the autobiographical literature from the Gaeltacht (Irish speaking) areas from the first half of the 20th century, in which the people are portrayed as impoverished, hard done-by peasants with nothing to offer the world but the richness of their tongue. This viewpoint was challenged and satirised in Flann O Brien’s novel An Béal Bocht, published in 1941, which was a parody of these autobiographies, playing on the comedic effect of the peasants’ tales of misfortune. In the Irish language, to put on the Béal Bocht (the “poor mouth”) is to exag- gerate the unfortunate situation you have found yourself in in order to gain sympathy and perhaps charity. The book is set in the stereotypical surroundings of rural Ireland where it never stops raining, and everyone is destined to be poor as long as they continue to speak “the smooth Gaelic” and live off the state grants provided for Irish speakers. In fact, the only time life is injected into this quiet, rural community is when hordes of another type of stereotype, the wealthy Dublin Gaeilgeoirí, who are learning Irish mainly from books, descend upon the area to experience an authentic “Irish native existence”. These stereotypical Gaeilgeoirí are still perceived to exist in Dublin to this day, to be found with a notebook in the pocket of their tweed jackets with pens poised at the ready to record the phrases and idioms of native Irish speakers and seen as a learned, middle-upper class whose children attend Irish-medium schools as a sign of their status in society. In the 21st century in the Republic of Ireland, the Irish language is officially the first language of the state, with protection offered under both the Constitution and The Official Languages Act 2003; and to the English-speaking majority, this leads to the stereotype of Irish speakers as privileged individuals who benefit from an excessive advantage over their English-speaking peers with regards to state funding and services. Indeed some non-Irish speakers see Irish speakers as cranks who are always complaining, and are often heard saying “Sure they all speak English, why do they need services in Irish?” The reality unfortunately is very different, as the previous Irish Language Commissioner, Seán Ó Cuirreáin, stated in his annual report in 2013: 242 Nuala Ní Scolláin In too many instances the provision of services through Irish is conditional on “available resources”, which suggests that such services may be perceived as optional extras rather than fundamental rights. In one such scheme, commitment to the provision of services through Irish, detailed over 3 pages, has the condition “subject to available resources” listed 11 times. The Language Commissioner resigned from his post not long after this report, citing disillusionment with the lack of adequate resources being provided for Irish speakers. The teaching of the Irish language is compulsory in all schools in the Republic of Ireland, and the 2011 census reported an increase in the percentage of Irish speakers of 7% since 2006. There has also been significant growth in the number of Irish-medium schools within the Republic of Ireland, with 332 recognised primary and post-primary schools operating solely or mainly through the Irish language, both in Irish-speaking areas and in non Irish-speaking areas.