Itinerario, Vol. 44, No. 1, 140–158. © The Author(s) 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Research Institute for History, Leiden University. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S016511532000008X The Presence of the Colonial Past: Equatorial Guinean Women in Spain YOLANDA AIXELÀ-CABRÉ* E-mail: [email protected] This article analyses the causes and consequences of the sociocultural discrimination and exclusion of Equatoguinean women in Spain. The starting premise is that a notable famil- iarity with Spanish culture (language and religion) as a former African colony and a long period of settlement in Spain that dates back to the 1940s should have favoured greater social advancement of this group. However, the fieldwork shows that they have been held back by the marginalised position of Equatorial Guinea in Spain’s current collective imaginary of its colonial past, as well as by the socio-laboural precariousness they have experienced since their arrival. Based on the body of thought of postcolonial theory, and from a predominantly anthropological and historical standpoint, this article analyses the heavy burden of social invisibility and unequal economic opportunities that these women carry. The paper concludes that migrant memories must be incorporated into the Hispano-African narrative to create a more trustworthy account of the shared Spanish and Equatorial Guinean past, and that there is an urgent need to implement policies in Spain that promote equality regardless of ethnicity, race, and gender. Keywords: migrant discrimination, migrant exclusion, Equatorial Guinean women, imperial memories, race Introduction This article aims to reflect on the causes and consequences of the invisibility of Equatoguinean women in Spain based on their experiences in the socio-professional con- text. Female migration from Equatorial Guinea to Spain can be traced back to the colonial times, illustrating how the so-called metropolis and its territories have been historically connected from the mid-twentieth century—when Spain’s “second conquest” of the territory took place—to the present.1 To this day, Equatoguinean women in Spain have to overcome a series of difficulties inherent in their condition as females, while at the same time facing ignorance, precarity, social and cultural invisibility, and racism.2 Their history is burdened by the traces of Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.40, on 26 Sep 2021 at 06:11:32, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use , available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S016511532000008X The Presence of the Colonial Past 141 colonialism that have been left blurred in the twenty-first century by their country’s marginal position in Spanish imperial memories That Equatorial Guinea’s colonisation has lost cen- trality in Spanish history is a symptom of Spain’s failure to come to terms with its colonial past in Africa. For Rizo, this is the product of “state-promoted amnesia.”3 It is in line with the Euro-African marginalisation phenomenon that swept across Europe in the post- independence era. This erasing of the imprint of the western European colonial past must be reversed by adopting new historical methodologies, as Cooper stated.4 African popula- tions form part of Europe, as shown by the increasing number of migrants who have settled permanently on the continent: in 2017, of the 673,000 citizens of non-member countries residing in an EU member state who acquired EU citizenship, 27 percent were from Africa.5 The theoretical approach of this essay is based on reflections by several different authors. Dirk Kohnert’s work connects African migration to the former European metropolis. He explains current trends in African migration to Europe as well as major factors that triggered it. The case of Equatorial Guineans in Spain fits with his work, as they chose the metropolis as their preferred destination for settlement in Europe, and they were prompted to migrate by human rights violations and poverty. Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard, and Sandrine Lemaine have studied the return to the memories of colonial France and the representations of migrants of former colonies in the post-independence era in Marseille. Their study confirmed that French memories of colonisation did not form a common history that included migrants from former col- onies, who felt themselves to be “enfants d’indigènes” or “enfants de la colonisation.” Equatorial Guineans in Spain face similar obstacles and describe the difficulties of not being socio-culturally recognised as Spaniards. In this line, Elizabeth Buettner’s propos- ition on the need for post-colonial Europe to be understood by observing the ways certain European nations experienced decolonisation themselves applies to the Spanish case. Her concept of “imperial memories” is particularly useful when describing the imaginary of Spain’s colonial past. Eric Wolf’s work on the central position of European history in the construction of the people of other continents, which led him to defend the history of other peoples, especially of those who are marginalised and excluded, is also of interest. Wolf’s valuable reflections suggest how Equatorial Guinean women in Spain may be empowered to make their experiences of discrimination and socio-cultural exclusion vis- ible. Finally, the research by Emma Martín Díaz et al. on migration flows from Latin America into Spain during the Spanish economic boom, and the historical connections between Spain and its ex-colonies, is very useful. The discrimination and exclusion Latin American women face by comparison with Spanish women workers, despite shared sociocultural factors such as language and religion, is very similar to that experi- enced by Equatorial Guinean women.6 Migrating to the Former Metropolis: Challenges and Opportunities Effective citizenship, i.e., political participation, legal guarantees, and social rights, has not been a part of contemporary history in Equatorial Guinea after their colonial Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.40.40, on 26 Sep 2021 at 06:11:32, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use , available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S016511532000008X 142 Yolanda Aixelà‐Cabré independence in 1968. In less than six months (between October 1968 and March 1969) the country went from a hierarchical and unequal colonial regime established by the Treaties of San Ildefonso (1777) and El Pardo (1778), implemented from the mid- nineteenth century onwards, to independence under the rule of Francisco Macías Nguema. Originally the elected president of the country, Macías soon erected a dictator- ship and was deposed in 1979 by Teodoro Obiang, who continues to be Africa’s longest ruling dictator.7 This political background explains why only transnational migrants who immigrated to democracies were able to break free from autocratic, colonial, and dictatorial regimes and settle down under the protection of states that guaranteed freedom of expres- sion and welfare, regardless of gender and ethnicity. The lack of democratic experience meant that Equatoguinean men and women were unfamiliar with the social and political mechanisms in place to redress injustices and guarantee individual and group rights. For many, it was imperative to leave their small country to escape an oppressive dictatorship, where strict control was exerted on individuals, families, and the wider society, and become part of democratic societies with millions of other individuals, for anonymity and indiffer- ence considerably diminished their sense of permanent threat. In this general context, Spain became the focal point of Equatoguinean migration and a launch pad for other destinations in Europe and America. As we shall see, Equatoguinean migrants to Spain before 1975 were settling in a markedly dictatorial country under the yoke of Francisco Franco. Colonial independence also marked a turn- ing point for Equatoguinean migrations towards Spain as, from October 1968, their nationals lost the right to equality with the Spanish population granted in Law 191/ 1963 on the autonomous regime in Equatorial Guinea. This seems likely to have encour- aged a drastic loss of Equatorial Guinea’s visibility in Spain from that time onwards, an invisibility that was not reversed after the establishment of the democratic system that followed Franco’s death in 1975. To compensate, the Spanish state allowed Equatorial Guineans to obtain nationality after two years of residence (Article 22 of the Spanish Civil Code), granting them equivalence with certain historical rights held by Latin Americans. However, although this measure led to many dual nationalities, it ended up losing effectiveness from the 2000s onwards, as a number of respondents explained in Barcelona, Móstoles, Alcorcón, Madrid, Aranjuez, Alicante, and Valencia between June 2005 and May 2019.8 Similarly, the invisibility of the history of Equatoguinean men and women in Spain, identified in my fieldwork, shows that even during the Franco era the metropolis was the preferred destination for Equatoguinean immigrants coming to Europe. An exception was the group of Equatoguineans who fought for independence in the1960s, as they