University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations May 2018 Faouda Wa Ruina: A History of Moroccan Punk Rock and Heavy Metal Brian Kenneth Trott University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Trott, Brian Kenneth, "Faouda Wa Ruina: A History of Moroccan Punk Rock and Heavy Metal" (2018). Theses and Dissertations. 1934. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/1934 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FAOUDA WA RUINA: A HISTORY OF MOROCCAN PUNK ROCK AND HEAVY METAL by Brian Trott A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of a Degree of Master of Arts In History at The University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee May 2018 ABSTRACT FAOUDA WA RUINA: A HISTORY OF MOROCCAN PUNK ROCK AND HEAVY METAL by Brian Trott The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2018 Under the Supervision of Professor Gregory Carter While the punk rock and heavy metal subcultures have spread through much of the world since the 1980s, a heavy metal scene did not take shape in Morocco until the mid-1990s. There had yet to be a punk rock band there until the mid-2000s. In the following paper, I detail the rise of heavy metal in Morocco. Beginning with the early metal scene, I trace through critical moments in its growth, building up to the origins of the Moroccan punk scene and the state of those subcultures in recent years. I also discuss in depth the organization of concerts and music festivals in Morocco. I argue that Moroccan youth creatively engage with globalized media, to create original, subjective interpretations of said media. This paper is split into sections of analysis and sections of narrative based on interviews I conducted with members of the Moroccan punk and metal scenes. ii © Copyrighted by Brian Trott, 2018 All Rights Reserved iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. Introduction………………………………………………………………………1 II. Chapter 1: ‘Abada: the Beginnings of the Moroccan Heavy Metal Scene………………………………………………………………………….….16 Introduction…………………………………………………………………..16 Narrative……………………………………………………………………...23 Analysis………………………………………………………………………33 III. Chapter 2: The Springboard: Concerts and Festivals in Morocco………….46 Introduction………………………………………………………………….46 Narrative…………………………………………………………………….53 Analysis…………………………………………………………………….59 IV. Chapter 3: Ride or Die: the Story of the First Moroccan Punk Rock Band.65 Introduction…………………………………………………………………65 Narrative……………………………………………………………………71 Analysis…………………………………………………………………….87 V. Chapter 4: Punkouzi La Moot: Moroccan Punk Since Z.W.M…………….93 Introduction…………………………………………………………………93 Narrative……………………………………………………………………100 Analysis……………………………………………………………………109 VI. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….115 VII. Bibliography………………………………………………………………….118 iv VIII. Interview Credits………………………………………………………….121 IX. Appendix A: Pictures……………………………………………………..122 v Introduction In the opening of Ahmed El-Manouni’s 1981 documentary, Transes, the viewer observes Sayed Omar, Laarbi Batma, Abderahmane “Paco” Kirouch, and Allal Yaala approaching the circular stage in the middle of the packed arena. The four make up the popular band, Nass el Ghiwane, who have sparked a musical genre and associated cultural movement popularly called Gnawa. The audience members wave their arms and dance, chanting what translates from their native dialect of Arabic to “we give our blood and soul for you, Ghiwane!” The band performs and the set concludes with audience members rushing the stage and embracing the group. The appearance of Nass el Ghiwane marked a shift in Moroccan popular culture. Prior to the 1970s high culture in Moroccan society was imported from the Middle East and Southern Europe. Under the French protectorate, which lasted from 1912 to 1955, Arabic cultural influences were downplayed in favor of Andalusian ones, to encourage a positive notion of European cultural influence on Moroccan society over Arab.1 The impact of pan- Arab nationalist movements after independence led to an emphasis on Eastern Arab culture, in turn treating local and particularly rural popular culture as low class. Satire has played a major role in Moroccan popular entertainment long before European occupation. Until 1970, students of the Qarawyine University in Fes would host an annual week long carnival, called Sultan et Tolba, where they criticized the king of Morocco, hosting mock elections to replace him.2 Another early form of satire is El Bsat, in which skits were performed directly to the king, underlining popular grievances without openly 1 Simour, Lhoussain, Larbi Batma,Nass el-Ghiwane and Postcolonial Music in Morocco. McFarland, 2016. P. 10 2 Jay, Cleo, “Perfomance and Activism in Morocco: the Legacy of Fatima Chebchoub.” The International Journal of Cultural Studies 19:5 (2015). P. 551 1 criticizing the monarch.3 Al halqa, which literally translates to “the circle”4 is a form of performance set in busy public spaces, such as parks and markets, in which the audience forms a circle around the performer(s) who act out or narrate dramas that communicate history lessons, moral guidance, or news from the country.5 Established in 1913, el Teatro Cervantes was established in Tangier, bringing the enclosed, formal theatre of the West to Morocco. By 1926, several amateur theatres opened up in the country’s major cities. The productions at these theatres tended towards satirical critiques of the French protectorate. To undermine these subversive theatres, the protectorate’s ministry of Youth and Sport introduced theatre schools that promoted classical European theatre, which came to dominate Morocco’s thespian scene. Throughout the second half of the Twentieth Century, alternative playwrights began to blend elements of traditional local forms of performance, particularly el halqa, with European theatre. This established a new hybrid form of nationalist theatre. Playwright Tayeb Saddiki would situate his actors in a circle to emulate el halqa in his stage productions.6 Fatima Chebchoub, the first female halqiya, sought to revive el halqa in her public performances, in which she laced critiques of Moroccan politics and society.7 Nass el Ghiwane formed in the late-1960s as a troupe within Saddiki’s national theatre company, al Nasrah al Baladi,8 but they didn’t begin playing concerts as a musical act until 1971.9 The group blended the musical elements of a local possession ritual, likewise called Gnawa, with other local popular styles, such as Issawa. Their lyrics were narratives 3 Jay. P.551 4 Ibid. P. 552 5 Ibid. Pp. 552-553 6 Amine, Khalid. “Theatre in Morocco and the Postcolonial Turn.” Textures. 21 Sept 2009. http://www.textures-platform.com/?p=556 Accessed 18 April 2018. Website 7 Jay. P. 555 8 “Departure of Moroccan Thespian Al Tayyib Al Siddiqi.” Sultan Bin Ali Al Owais Cultural Foundation. http://www.alowais.com/en/news/morc.rip.aspx Accessed 18 April 2018. Website. 9 Simour, p. 111 2 reflecting everyday scenarios the common people of Morocco could relate to. Furthermore, they sang in a language everyone could understand, the local dialect of Arabic, Darija. In mixing entirely new elements with those of classical Arabic, French, Spanish, and Amazight, Darija is as much its own language as it is a dialect of any other. As I have been informed repeatedly, Moroccans can understand all Arabs, but no one can understand Moroccans. Nass el Ghiwane developed a reputation as one of the only urban musical groups to speak to the issues of working class Moroccans, and gained a following that reached the upper echelons of Moroccan society. Following their success, every neighborhood in every city hosted a Gnawa band.10 This success is linked to a few global and local movements at that time. The 1970s ushered in a movement of artistic satire in Morocco, which Nass el Ghiwane was a participant of, bringing immediately relatable meaning to the traditional lore cited in their lyrical narratives.11 Additionally, their music is often referred to as protest music, as audiences found sociopolitical commentary in the subtext of their songs.12 Furthermore, the 1960s and 1970s saw a wave Moroccan leftists attempting to reclaim a traditional Moroccan cultural identity that had been washed over with Andalusian and Eastern Arabic culture,13 as is apparent in the rise of local alternative theatres. Having created a popular style of music that combined multiple styles from the margins of Moroccan society, Nass el Ghiwane suited this cultural moment. But Nass el Ghiwane was not isolated from cultural movements taking place across the globe at the time. They were entangled in the wave of countercultural music that 10 Simour, p. 17 11 Ibid., p. 110 12 Ibid., p. 109 13 Ibid., p. 108 3 produced the Summer of Love in 1969. For example, they grew out their hair and wore loose colorful clothes.14 As Omar Sayed stated in an interview: “The world was changing so quickly; we were not impervious to what was happening in Europe and America. On the contrary, we were very much influenced by it… the hippie revolution arrived in Morocco by way of Casablanca. We were listening to Western music, the Beatles, Jimi, and the Stones.”15 But, unlike the Beatles, who were emerging from the rubble of post-war debt and reconstruction in Britain, Nass el Ghiwane was born in the context of post-liberation recovery in a country amidst coming to grips with the failure of the promises of development and modernity. They gained the attention of the countercultural movements in the United States and Europe, as members of bands like Led Zeppelin, and the Rolling Stones, and even jazz musician Randy Weston pursued collaborations with Gnawa artists. While Gnawa’s popularity was spreading in Morocco and abroad, so was a new style of rock ‘n’ roll in American and Europe heavy metal.