Interpretations of the Ottoman Urban Legacy in the National Capital Building of Sofia (1878-1940) Elitza Stanoeva Introduction In the first decades of Bulgaria's independence from the Ottoman Empire (1878), an aftermath of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, the projected national identity of Bulgarians was shaped by the desire for 'de-Ottomanization' and 'Europeanization'. The ideological need to anchor the newly gained nationhood in European modernity went hand in hand with the zeal to distance the national identity from the Ottoman past by obliterating its traces in the inherited material and social world. In the ensuing anti-Ottoman casuistry, the interchangeable concepts of 'Oriental' and 'Ottoman' became bywords for 'underdeveloped' and virtually anti-modern. Sofia became Bulgaria's national capital in March 1879, one year after the country's liberation from the Ottoman Empire. That rendered the processes of urban development subservient to state formation. The result was that the enforcement of a representational physiognomy of the national capital coupled with the symbolic reinforcement of national sovereignty. However, the programmatic prerogatives of de-Ottomanization were rather a political allure than guidelines of a rationally conceived urbanist agenda. The 'Oriental' characteristics of the built environment and the lifestyles of inhabitation were an outcome of five-century-long development under the reign of the Ottoman Empire (1382-1878). As such, they were perceived as structural ingredients of a detested external domination, the materialized memory of which had to be effaced. In the conditions of Bulgaria's partial sovereignty as an autonomous country yet a tributary principality of the Ottoman Empire (1878-1908), this symbolic subversion of history was a highly loaded political project. By the same token, the belonging to Europe, as a cultural model and a political community, was still an aspiration rather than an achievement. In that sense, cultural 'Europeanization' was envisaged to pave the way for a political 'Europeanization', that is, for obtaining a European type of political standing and its recognition as a bearer of European civilization by the established European nation-states.1 1 Elitza Stanoeva, 'Sofia', in Capital Cities in the Aftermath of Empires: Planning Central and Southeastern Europe, ed. Emily G. Makas and Tanja D. Conley (London: Routledge, 2010), 94. 210 PART III | De-Ottomanisation and the Reshaping of the Urban Landscape As an embodiment of the emerging nation-state and thus a vanguard of modernization, the capital city of Sofia was subjected to intensive reconstruction in the vein of the political agenda of de-Ottomanization and Europeanization. The visualization of that ideologically shaped agenda in the transformation of Sofia's cityscape triggered a persistent destruction of those components of the city's material culture that were perceived as 'Oriental' and, hence, as undesired remnants and reminders of the political oppression of the Ottoman Empire (the so-called 'Turkish yoke'2). The de-Ottomanization urban initiatives affected public spaces (e.g., through the eradication of mosques and other Muslim landmarks) but also private properties (e.g., through the expropriation of Turkish houses). However, the seemingly plain dichotomy between 'Oriental' and 'European' as conceived on the discourse level of national ideology did not translate as such a clear-cut antithesis on the practical level of Sofia's urban policy. Inasmuch as the polarities of the 'Oriental' and the 'European' were politically constructed ideal types, within the social reality of post-Ottoman Sofia, they interfused in material artefacts, urban topoi, social practices, patterns of inhabiting the private sphere and of using the public space. Among those urban components most resistant to change was the socio-spatial formation of the traditional neighbourhood (mahalla) as well as the marketplace, being the traditional site of intensive social interactions. The Ottoman town of Sofia: Inherited specificities At the time of its designation as the capital city of the newly formed nation-state of Bulgaria, the former Ottoman town of Sofia spread over the meagre territory of 2.84 square kilometres, of which only 70-75 percent were actually occupied by the local population of 11,694 people.3 Although Sofia's newly obtained distinctive status and the opportunities it promised were quickly attracting newcomers and, within two years, the number of residents almost doubled to 20,856,4 the capital city was still far from becoming the demographically largest and economically prime city of the newly established nation-state. At the time of the first national census (1881), Sofia was the fourth largest city following Ruse, Varna and Shumen5, the first two being Bulgaria's major ports, respectively at the Danube and at the Black Sea, and, hence, economic centres processing most of the country's imports and exports.6 2 This is how the period under Ottoman rule is commonly termed in Bulgarian literature and textbook historiography as well as in the nationalist historiographical discourse. 3 Sofiya – 120 godini stolitsa (Sofia – 120 years capital) (Sofia: Marin Drinov, 2000), 490. 4 Sofiyski obshtinski vestnik 7 (13 July 1914): 12. 5 Sofiya – 120 godini stolitsa, 78. 6 In 1888, the railroad Niš-Sofia-Constantinople was constructed as a section of the international line from Vienna to Constantinople ('the Orient Express') and, subsequently, the main imports of the country were diverted from the port of Varna to Sofia. Two years earlier, the imports of goods through Sofia customs amounted to 489,000 leva while the value of Varna's imports was 13,945,000 leva; at that time, Sofia was not an exporter yet. Ivan Sakazov, 'Sofiya kato targovski tsentar' (Sofia as a commercial center), in STANOEVA | Ottoman Urban Legacy 211 The socio-spatial structure of Sofia produced by the traditional ways of inhabiting and using the city space further complicated the challenging task of transforming the Ottoman settlement into a modern capital city with the desired European glamour. Typically for a multiethnic Ottoman town, the urban public comprised various socially homogeneous neighbourhood communities (mahalla) differentiated according to their religious/ethnic belonging and/or craft-guild membership. Under Ottoman rule, the non-Muslim mahalla enjoyed a certain self-governing freedom. In addition, membership in a guild (esnaf) was restricted by neighbourhood residence and, sometimes, the guild-based occupation of the residents ensured certain privileges for the entire neighbourhood community: for example, a mahalla whose inhabitants were engaged in prominent crafts for the empire, such as hawk-breeding or horse-raising, was granted greater civil privileges and certain tax exemptions.7 The normative overlap between place of residence and place of work reinforced the socio-spatial integrity of the mahalla. In many ways, the mahalla was the intermediary nexus between local communities and the other scales of social organization: the local guild regulated the working conditions and trading relations; the head of the mahalla (muhtar) regulated both the horizontal social ties (e.g., solving local disputes) and the vertical ones (e.g., distributing the burden of the communal duties designated for the city's administration and the empire among the neighbourhood residents).8 The mahalla was also the principal supplier of public goods and services. Thus, each mahalla had a public fountain for the water supply of households, a crossroad square – often with a place of worship of the respective denomination (church, mosque, synagogue) – for communal gatherings, and an artisans' street or a marketplace for the trading of the local craftsmen surrounded by inns, pubs or coffeehouses. The coupling of physical proximity and social boundedness provided mahalla members with a supportive network of collective solidarity based on shared identity, on the one hand, and with an infrastructural network of domestic provision, on the other. Since civic status, craft permits and access to public amenities were conditioned on mahalla residence, the inhabitants to a great extent confined their public life and social interactions within the enclosed kinship milieu of their neighbourhood.9 In 1878, Sofia comprised eighteen mahalla neighbourhoods – the smallest of these enclaves, Kaloyanska Mahalla, had twenty-four houses while the largest Yubileyna kniga na grad Sofiya (Anniversary book of Sofia city) (Sofia: Komitet za istoriya na Sofiya pri BAI, 1928), 253. 7 Georgi Tahov, Ot Sredets do Sofiya: Letopisi i epizodi ot sofiyskite mahali (From Sredets to Sofia: Chronicles and episodes of Sofia's mahallas) (Sofia: Izdatelstvo na OF, 1987), 34. 8 Svetlana Paunova, (Pre)sazdavane na stolitsata: Sotsio-kulturno izsledvane varhu gradoustroystvenite praktiki na Sofiya sled Osvobozhdenieto ((Re)creation of the capital city: A socio-cultural study of the urbanization practice in Sofia after the Liberation) (Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, forthcoming). 9 Stanoeva, 'Sofia', 92. 212 PART III | De-Ottomanisation and the Reshaping of the Urban Landscape one, Mala Cheshma, had 375.10 Instead of forming an integrated system of functionally divided districts, they fragmented the city space into self-contained residential pockets territorially and socially isolated from one another, each a social network and a system of custom-based power relations in itself. Moreover, the preservationist